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Closer ties with the EU – an easy fix or Brexit betrayal?

Starmer certainly has the support of the majority of the Labour parliamentary party to push for closer relations with the EU

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When Keir Starmer first embarked on forging closer ties with the EU, he didn’t have Nigel Farage on his back (Photo: Benjamin Cremel/PA)
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Next week Keir Starmer will head to Brussels for a spot of dinner. The Prime Minister is due to meet European leaders to talk defence, as concern grows across the continent as to what Donald Trump might do next in his bid to end the war in Ukraine.

Defence is already an area where the UK and EU have close co-operation, but if Labour ministers get their way, they would like that collaboration to spread further. Since entering government, Starmer has made clear his government is keen to “reset” relations between the UK and EU.

Initially, this was about the low hanging fruit: civil conversations with European leaders after years of trading barbs over Brexit under the Tory government. But now the discussions are more technical. EU relations minister Nick Thomas-Symonds is a frequent visitor to Brussels for talks with the Commission. “He’s travelling every other day,” says a colleague. Former Brexit negotiator Olly Robbins (a bogeyman for many Tory Brexiteers) has been hired for a senior civil service job in the Foreign Office.

The aim? No one in government really wants to get into the specifics – but the general idea is closer economic ties could give a badly needed boost to the economy. Rachel Reeves used her speech on Wednesday to talk about the projects she plans to green-light to kickstart growth, yet a large chunk of the Labour Party believe the easiest fix is to get back in bed with the EU.

While support for the EU is seen as one of the reasons the party spent so long in the wilderness in the Brexit years, many Labour MPs have long thought that once in power they would begin a slow march back into the EU’s orbit.

However, there’s just one small snag. When Starmer first embarked on forging closer ties, he didn’t have Nigel Farage on his back. Now polls regularly show Reform UK just behind Labour, and a few outliers have Reform out in front. The polling guru Professor John Curtice has said Labour is now losing supporters directly to Reform. No longer is it simply the case that Reform splits the right – Farage is coming for Starmer’s voters too.

That presents a political problem when one of ministers’ big hopes to grow the economy is closer ties with the EU. As was clear in the Brexit years, Brussels does not take kindly to cherry-picking. So if Starmer wants to improve trade relations and access, EU leaders will expect him to offer up something in return. Already there are hints as to what.

First, the Labour Party, unlike the Conservative Party, is not filled with ideological free traders – there is little appetite to diverge on standards. So Labour politicians could largely live with some kind of customs union, they just wouldn’t want to call it that. This is also one of the areas where the Tories would likely cry foul about wasted Brexit opportunities, but there may not be a huge voter backlash on this measure alone if packaged in the right way.

More tricky is an idea that frequently comes up in conversations about closer ties: a youth mobility scheme. EU diplomats have spoken of their desire for a scheme that could allow the young to travel, study and work freely in each other’s country. A recent YouGov poll found nearly seven in 10 Brits would support a scheme like this that allowed 200,000 18- to 40-year-olds from the UK and EU to travel as above.

However, the worry is that Reform could paint all of the above as a Brexit betrayal. “It would go down like a cup of cold sick in the Red Wall,” warns a Reform source. “Youth mobility is freedom of movement – it would be a toxic radioactive decision.” Inside No 10, there is concern that various Red Wall seats could fall to Farage at the next election. There’s currently an effort to mobilise Labour staff and volunteers in Red Wall seats like Durham and Lancashire to address the threat.

It’s also leading to a sense of urgency over the timings for any renegotiation. “There’s now a push to get it done this year,” says a Labour source of the planned reset. “It makes sense politically on timings.” The idea is twofold. First, closer ties with the EU could play well to the party’s base in Scotland ahead of the 2026 Scottish parliament elections. Similarly in Wales, where votes are coming up too, an argument could be made about farmer subsidies.

As for the Red Wall, it’s the 2027 local elections that will see some of these one-time Labour heartlands vote. So – aides argue – get the political pain out the way now and then hope by 2027 (and the general election) there is enough growth that an economic argument can be made that even Leave-backing voters will be minded to pay attention to.

However, as Theresa May and Boris Johnson discovered, EU negotiations are long-winded and unpredictable. What’s more, the EU does not take kindly to deadlines. Under May, her Brexit deadlines were regularly missed and her red lines crossed. Any push for a deal on timings that would be politically advantageous to Labour could actually put the power in Brussels’ hands to call the shots.

What’s more, while ministers are quietly confident they could avoid a war with Trump on tariffs, the calculation could change if they are closely associated with the EU bloc.

Starmer certainly has the support of the majority of the Labour parliamentary party to push for closer relations with the EU. Many in his party never wanted the UK to leave in the first place.

But those Labour MPs facing the Reform threat in their seats know it is a fine balancing act. While they may support the overall aim, the risk is that Starmer gives his opponents an attack line they can use for years to come.

Katy Balls is political editor at The Spectator

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