A new Horizon has broken, has it not? Ripples of relief are emanating from British scientists as, after two years in the cold, we have joined the European-wide research programme as an associate member.
A Horizon deal was struck in 2020, but rapidly became enmeshed in the quagmire of Northern Ireland. But after months of negotiations, £81bn from Horizon’s funds are available again for scientists here along with opportunities to work with colleagues abroad – something almost every university has been calling for.
Yet instead of being universally welcomed, the Horizon deal has prompted another tedious round of Brexit crowing. Hardcore Remainers cite the Horizon deal as proof that we can/should rejoin the whole bloc and revert to life pre-2016. Ardent Brexiteers, conversely, say it’s another betrayal, handing power back to Brussels and that we should reject any associate agreements and go entirely our own way.
It is reductive and depressing that the EU debate is still conducted in such a simplistic way seven years on from the referendum.
Both sides should lay down their arms (at least temporarily) and consider what has been achieved. First was the Windsor Framework – a wise solution to the Northern Ireland Protocol that gave the UK more than most expected could be achieved. Both sides had to give a little and jump into a new agreement together. It posed a political risk for Rishi Sunak but one that paid off, with only a gossamer backlash from the doubters. That paved the way for what has been struck with Horizon.
The case for remaining in the programme was always strong. Horizon is the world’s biggest research club: over 30 countries in and outside the EU pool; tens of billions for science collaboration.
The UK has been one of its top three players for some time, with our institutes leading many of Horizon’s research programmes. Although science minister George Freeman worked up the alternative “Pioneer” programme, rejoining Horizon can unleash a tide of investment and opportunities. And associating with Horizon means we can still pick the best parts of Pioneer too.
Take our excellent academic base, throw in thriving science parks and long-term government support – plus the creation of the new Department for Science, Innovation and Technology and the rapid AI work done by chair of the UK Government’s AI Foundation Model Taskforce Ian Hogarth in Whitehall – and there is now a viable model to becoming a global science player to unlock the growth and productivity conundrums at home. Striking a balance between flexibility and collaboration is why the Horizon deal shows the way ahead.
The politics are worth examining. The deal could not have been done without the good faith of Windsor. Had the EU not seen good will from Britain in practice, it would not have been willing to unlock the tailored elements of Horizon: the opt-out from Euratom, the ability for researchers to be lead participants, and the claw-back mechanism to ensure the UK doesn’t contribute more than it receives. These aren’t the norm for third party deals with the bloc and show that trust is gradually being gained.
With two successful examples now pointing towards how European relations should look, the question is if and where any more deals should be done. The next natural area is on Frontex, the European border agency.
As with Windsor and Horizon, the case is clear for striking a third-party arrangement is powerful. Stopping the small boats requires both a strong deterrence (the Rwanda scheme) but also cross-border collaboration, which means working closer with Europe.
Under the mooted deal, monies would be exchanged for data access – with a longer-term ambition for closer work on Europe’s southern border. Some officials think such a deal could be struck in the coming months, which would vindicate this gradualist approach to working with the EU.
This is not, however, a cry for rejoining the EU. Millions of Britons wanted more of a say on their own future, they wanted change, they wanted to choose whether to collaborate with Europe or go in our own direction. With the prospect of a new partnership with Brussels and another with India coming to fruition in the same week, that is exactly what we are doing.
There will be areas where co-operation is advantageous to Britain. The UK was right to negotiate hard with Horizon and Windsor, but they were key for the futures of Northern Ireland and the science superpower ambitions. We are facing enormous global challenges and opportunities, and we cannot seize and manage them all on our own. Britain has to work with others when it makes sense.
There is no shame in taking a bespoke approach, as seen with the success of vaccine procurement. Although EU members were never legally obliged to take part in its programme, the political reality meant that a UK inside the bloc would inevitably have done so.
Now, we can choose when to participate and when to go our own way. There’s no case for re-entering the EU on potentially unfavourable terms, no case for becoming a rule-taker across the whole economy, and no case for not energetically pursuing the regulatory freedoms that Brexit has handed us – be it on science, farming or AI.
But there is a clear case for seeking pragmatic ways to work together. That is British diplomacy in its finest tradition and thankfully has been rediscovered.
Sebastian Payne is director of the centre right think-tank Onward
