[en] The steadily increasing focus on energy production and consumption has led to growing research attention to patterns of energy use within economies. Of particular interest has been comparing the driving forces of increasing efficiency and economic structural change. Input-output analysis (IOA) and decomposition analysis have become critical tools for performing such analyses. This study analyzes aggregate energy use in the United States in 1997 and 2002 to discover the causes of changing energy usage and flows. Results show that rising population and household consumption acted to drive up energy demand, but this driving force was offset by considerable structural change within the economy, particularly related to a quickly increasing trade deficit in manufacturing goods. Thus, while total energy intensity, the ratio of energy use to economic output, declined by approximately 12% between 1997 and 2002, changes in the structure of the economy explain this drop more than increased energy efficiency. The level of aggregation at which decomposition analyses are run was identified as a crucially sensitive parameter for the determination of structural change, and future studies should specifically address the amount of detail necessary to adequately measure changes in economic structure. (author)

[en] The steadily increasing focus on energy production and consumption has led to growing research attention to patterns of energy use within economies. Of particular interest has been comparing the driving forces of increasing efficiency and economic structural change. Input-output analysis (IOA) and decomposition analysis have become critical tools for performing such analyses. This study analyzes aggregate energy use in the United States in 1997 and 2002 to discover the causes of changing energy usage and flows. Results show that rising population and household consumption acted to drive up energy demand, but this driving force was offset by considerable structural change within the economy, particularly related to a quickly increasing trade deficit in manufacturing goods. Thus, while total energy intensity, the ratio of energy use to economic output, declined by approximately 12% between 1997 and 2002, changes in the structure of the economy explain this drop more than increased energy efficiency. The level of aggregation at which decomposition analyses are run was identified as a crucially sensitive parameter for the determination of structural change, and future studies should specifically address the amount of detail necessary to adequately measure changes in economic structure

[en] Analysis of household consumption and its environmental impact remains one of the most important topics in sustainability research. Nevertheless, much past and recent work has focused on domestic national averages, neglecting both the growing importance of international trade on household carbon footprint and the variation between households of different income levels and demographics. Using consumer expenditure surveys and multi-country life cycle assessment techniques, this paper analyzes the global and distributional aspects of American household carbon footprint. We find that due to recently increased international trade, 30% of total US household CO₂ impact in 2004 occurred outside the US. Further, households vary considerably in their CO₂ responsibilities: at least a factor of ten difference exists between low and high-impact households, with total household income and expenditure being the best predictors of both domestic and international portions of the total CO₂ impact. The global location of emissions, which cannot be calculated using standard input-output analysis, and the variation of household impacts with income, have important ramifications for polices designed to lower consumer impacts on climate change, such as carbon taxes. The effectiveness and fairness of such policies hinges on a proper understanding of how income distributions, rebound effects, and international trade affect them. (author)

[en] Significant recent attention, in both research and policy realms, has been given to the intersection of international trade and global climate change. Trade presents challenges to climate policy through carbon leakage and competitiveness concerns, but also potential solutions through the use of cooperative trade agreements, technology transfer, or carbon tariffs against recalcitrant nations. This study examines how trade may affect climate policy in the US and specifically examines the use of carbon tariffs as suggested by recent bills before the US Congress. We argue that even if such actions are legal at the World Trade Organization, they are probably not necessary to protect industrial competitiveness in the traditional sense, could cover only a small proportion of total embodied emissions in trade, and may in fact be counterproductive at a moment when global cooperation is desperately needed. While political agreement may necessitate at least the threat of carbon tariffs, cooperative agreements such as global sectoral agreements, technology sharing, etc. could be more productive in the short term. (author)

[en] Significant recent attention, in both research and policy realms, has been given to the intersection of international trade and global climate change. Trade presents challenges to climate policy through carbon leakage and competitiveness concerns, but also potential solutions through the use of cooperative trade agreements, technology transfer, or carbon tariffs against recalcitrant nations. This study examines how trade may affect climate policy in the US and specifically examines the use of carbon tariffs as suggested by recent bills before the US Congress. We argue that even if such actions are legal at the World Trade Organization, they are probably not necessary to protect industrial competitiveness in the traditional sense, could cover only a small proportion of total embodied emissions in trade, and may in fact be counterproductive at a moment when global cooperation is desperately needed. While political agreement may necessitate at least the threat of carbon tariffs, cooperative agreements such as global sectoral agreements, technology sharing, etc. could be more productive in the short term

[en] On March 10, 2009, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) proposed a new rule, Mandatory Reporting of Greenhouse Gases. When final, the rule would compel most large sources of greenhouse gases (GHGs) to report their emissions to EPA as well as fossil fuel suppliers and vehicle engine manufacturers to report their fuel sales and engine emissions rates, respectively. We suggest a number of improvements to the rule that would enhance compatibility with expected future climate legislation and enable a broader range of policies and analysis: (1) lower the threshold for reporting to a level more consistent with expected future legislation, (2) require reporting of electricity use along with direct emissions, (3) require reporting of emissions per unit output for a small number of selected sectors, (4) include a system of identifying corporate ownership of reporting facilities, and (5) identify a path toward coverage for sectors that were left out of the proposal due to underdeveloped reporting protocols.

[en] Within 5 years, China's CO₂ emissions have nearly doubled, and China may already be the world's largest emitter of CO₂. Evidence suggests that exports could be a main cause for the rise in Chinese CO₂ emissions; however, no systematic study has analyzed this issue, especially over time. We find that in 2005, around one-third of Chinese emissions (1700 Mt CO₂) were due to production of exports, and this proportion has risen from 12% (230 Mt) in 1987 and only 21% (760 Mt) as recently as 2002. It is likely that consumption in the developed world is driving this trend. A majority of these emissions have largely escaped the scrutiny of arguments over 'carbon leakage' due to the current, narrow definition of leakage. Climate policies which would make the developed world responsible for China's export emissions have both benefits and costs, and must be carefully designed to achieve political consensus and equity. Whoever is responsible for these emissions, China's rapidly expanding infrastructure and inefficient coal-powered electricity system need urgent attention. (author)

[en] Within 5 years, China's CO₂ emissions have nearly doubled, and China may already be the world's largest emitter of CO₂. Evidence suggests that exports could be a main cause for the rise in Chinese CO₂ emissions; however, no systematic study has analyzed this issue, especially over time. We find that in 2005, around one-third of Chinese emissions (1700 Mt CO₂) were due to production of exports, and this proportion has risen from 12% (230 Mt) in 1987 and only 21% (760 Mt) as recently as 2002. It is likely that consumption in the developed world is driving this trend. A majority of these emissions have largely escaped the scrutiny of arguments over 'carbon leakage' due to the current, narrow definition of leakage. Climate policies which would make the developed world responsible for China's export emissions have both benefits and costs, and must be carefully designed to achieve political consensus and equity. Whoever is responsible for these emissions, China's rapidly expanding infrastructure and inefficient coal-powered electricity system need urgent attention