Bangladesh After Sheikh Hasina: The Rise of Islamism and the Fall of Secularism

Bodies were hanged for display in public. Many were burnt alive. More than two hundred were reported killed, but this is almost certainly an underreporting. We are yet to understand the full scale of this savagery. It is likely we will not for a long time. The bourgeois press had an interest in keeping count of the dead protestors. It certainly will not have any collective interest in keeping count of those killed by the protestors. As a massacre was unfolding across Bangladesh, the press was praising student revolutionaries for managing smooth passage on the city roads and playing up isolated cases of citizens standing in for police and security. 

In Bangladesh, the sudden toppling of Sheikh Hasina’s government in August 2024 marked the beginning of a political upheaval that went far beyond a mere change of leadership. While the bourgeoisie celebrated the fall of the Awami League as a victory for democracy and free markets, a darker force was simultaneously consolidating its power: the Islamist movement. Their strategy of destabilizing the state, which began during the protests, took full shape in the aftermath, leading to widespread violence and a dramatic shift in the country's political and social dynamics. - On Linkedin

The Islamist Strategy: Stateside and Politicide

The Islamist forces in Bangladesh were not merely interested in defeating Sheikh Hasina; they aimed to dismantle the very state apparatus she represented. This strategy manifested as a violent politicide — the targeted annihilation of political forces tied to the ruling Awami League. Unlike traditional politicide, which targets political ideologies or movements, the Islamist forces in Bangladesh engaged in what can be termed stateside, wherein the state’s personnel, including police, political figures, and supporters of the ruling party, were systematically eliminated.

The violence, which has been widely reported as anti-Hindu, is a mischaracterization. While some Hindu communities were targeted, the primary aim was to destroy the Awami League’s infrastructure and supporters, particularly those loyal to Hasina’s secular government. Hundreds of police stations were attacked, with scores of police officers and state employees brutally murdered, many in public executions. These killings were justified by Islamist rhetoric that painted government officials as agents of foreign, non-Muslim powers like India and the West, rendering them traitors under Islamist law.

Bourgeois Complacency and the Mislabeling of Violence

In the wake of Sheikh Hasina’s fall, the bourgeoisie in Bangladesh quickly declared their victory as a second independence. The initial chaos and violence were downplayed by bourgeois leaders and their media outlets, who labeled the perpetrators as “miscreants” rather than acknowledging the calculated and organized nature of the attacks. The bourgeoisie, eager to cement their newfound power, turned a blind eye to the scale of violence, which included lynchings, mob attacks, and mass killings. Bodies were displayed in public, and gruesome acts of violence were meted out to Awami League supporters.

Despite reports of over two hundred deaths — likely an underestimation — the bourgeois press focused instead on praising the supposed “student revolutionaries” who managed to maintain public order in some areas. The reality of the situation, however, was far more grim. Islamist mobs had seized the opportunity to impose their vision of a religiously governed state. In the vacuum left by the weakened Awami League, they began to enforce their brutal laws.

As far as the bourgeoisie was concerned, this was a moment of tabula rasa, from where a new narrative and trajectory could be scripted. Their entire focus was on making a new government possible. In four days’ time, a committee to manage the affairs of the bourgeoisie was set up — its members drawn almost exclusively from the bourgeoisie itself, led by the economist Mohammed Yunus, who received acclaim for extending the credit system, and thus the bourgeois mode of production, to rural Bangladesh.

Targeting the Awami League and Secularism

The primary targets of this Islamist-led politicide were members of the Awami League and the secular state apparatus it represented. Attacks on police officers, government officials, and party members went beyond mere retribution for political grievances. In their minds, these individuals were not just representatives of Bangladesh but agents of a secular, non-Islamic order that had to be eradicated. In some areas, jails were attacked, leading to mass jailbreaks, and many state employees were executed publicly without resistance.

While the bourgeoisie managed to avoid most of the Islamist violence, only a few individuals associated with the Awami League were directly targeted. Most of the attacks focused on the rural and urban poor who had supported the regime, as well as the state’s enforcers, like police officers. In the absence of law enforcement, Islamist mobs imposed their will with impunity. The Quint

The Fate of Bangladesh's Minorities

Religious and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh have traditionally aligned themselves with the Awami League, seeing it as a protector of their rights in a Muslim-majority country. However, with the fall of Hasina’s government, these groups were left vulnerable to Islamist attacks. Under Islamist law, non-Muslims who renounce the state can be offered Dhimmistatus — a protected but subservient class allowed to practice their religion under certain conditions. In this case, however, only those minorities who distanced themselves from the Awami League were afforded this limited protection.

For the rest, particularly Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians who remained loyal to the previous regime, the attacks were swift and brutal. Villages were pillaged, property was seized, and many were forced to flee to India, where they faced border crackdowns and deportation. While some leaders within the Islamist ranks issued calls to avoid the unnecessary slaughter of innocent civilians, the killings of Awami League cadres and perceived supporters of secularism were carried out with ruthless efficiency. The Quint

The Islamist Power Vacuum

With the fall of the Awami League, Islamist forces swiftly consolidated their power in rural areas, where state presence had largely evaporated. The chaos in the cities was mirrored by a quiet, creeping power shift in the countryside, where Islamist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami and other more radical factions began to establish dominance. In areas where they had previously held little influence, they now filled the power vacuum left by the retreating state.

For many rural Bangladeshis, this power shift was a harrowing reminder of the potential for Islamist rule to gain dominance. The presence of an informal morality police began to emerge, enforcing strict codes of behavior and religious conduct. In many ways, this was the beginning of a broader social transformation, where secularism was pushed aside in favor of Sharia-inspired governance, albeit unofficially at first. The Quint

The Bourgeoisie’s Blind Spot: Underestimating the Islamist Threat

Ironically, the same bourgeoisie that had clamored for democracy and freedom under the Awami League quickly shifted its stance once Sheikh Hasina was gone. The new military-backed technocratic government, propped up by bourgeois support, was hailed as a solution to Bangladesh’s economic woes. However, the bourgeoisie failed to recognize the looming threat of Islamism, much like the Western powers underestimated the rise of fascism before World War II.

After a brief period of shock at the violence, the bourgeoisie fell back into complacency, downplaying the massacres and focusing instead on the opportunities that the new government might provide for economic growth. For the moment, the Islamists appeared content to let the bourgeoisie govern the cities while they consolidated power in the rural areas. However, it is only a matter of time before the Islamist forces turn their attention to the urban elites, who will be ill-prepared for the power struggle. The Quint

Islamist Consolidation in Rural Bangladesh

While the bourgeois technocrats focused on rebuilding state institutions in the cities, the Islamists quietly entrenched themselves in the countryside. The years of groundwork laid by urban Islamists, who had built networks of religious schools, mosques, and community centers, now bore fruit. In rural Bangladesh, Islamist leaders began to take control of local governance, filling the void left by the collapse of Awami League influence.

The divide between urban and rural Bangladesh became even more pronounced, with the cities under nominal state control and the countryside drifting toward Islamist rule. This slow but steady consolidation of Islamist power will likely lead to an eventual clash with the bourgeois-backed technocratic government in Dhaka. The longer the state remains divided, the greater the chance that Islamists will challenge national control.

Conclusion: A Fragile Peace on the Brink of Collapse

The removal of Sheikh Hasina has opened a Pandora’s box in Bangladesh. The once-stable, albeit authoritarian, rule of the Awami League has been replaced by a fragile coalition of bourgeois elites and the military, with Islamists lurking in the shadows, poised to seize control. The complacency of the bourgeoisie, coupled with the military’s reluctance to confront Islamist forces head-on, has created a dangerous power vacuum that threatens the very foundation of the Bangladeshi state. The Quint

The future of Bangladesh now hangs in the balance, with Islamism gaining strength in the countryside and the bourgeoisie celebrating a hollow victory in the cities. As tensions continue to rise, it is unclear whether the military-backed government will be able to hold the country together or if Bangladesh will succumb to the forces of religious extremism.

Regards,

Sahil Reshi

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"The second independence, or the first step towards Sharia?" - Sahil Reshi