Comparing the fall of the West Indies Federation to Brexit: Part One
In seemingly similar proceedings, Jamaica and the United Kingdom (UK) both voted to withdraw from the major regional organizations to which they were a part of. In 1961 the then Premier of Jamaica, Norman Manley, facing pressure from the opposing party, launched a referendum to let the population vote on whether or not to be a part of the West Indies Federation. Jamaica voted “No” and withdrew from the Federation in 1962, before achieving their independence from Great Britain. Fifty-five years later in the UK, a similar vote was held, with the same result. The withdraw from the West Indies Federation was heavily criticised, and was considered a blunder on the part of the then leader. This action led to the dissolution of the West Indies Federation in a snowball effect, defined by Arthur Lewis as the following, “one from ten leaves none”. Consequently, this paved the way for the independence of the countries of the British Caribbean, which made up the Federation, as well as the intensification of tensions within the region. In Europe, the popular vote to leave or remain in the European Union became a reality on June 23, 2016, after being announced years before by Prime Minister David Cameron. Neither political leader expected the referendum to be lost, nor that it would put an end to their successful political career. The term Brexit” was coined to define “the concept, or the fact, of UK withdrawal from the European Union (EU)”. (Marshall, 2016) The short term effects included a fall in the British pound and a market plunge. Though there is some uncertainty on when the UK will formally withdraw from the EU, it is likely to be a long, intricate process, with significant effects on both the leaving and remaining parties.
This article will examine the similar, then the contrasting reasons leading up to the decisions in Jamaica and the UK to leave the West Indies Federation and the European Union respectively, in order to determine the ways in which the Brexit vote replicated the first Jamaican referendum. The first part of this article will look at why countries in a region integrate among each other, then a look at the foundation and integration of both countries into their respective regional institutions. This essay will then discuss the events preceding the referendum in both countries, which will shed light on the comparing and contrasting reasons for each vote. These reasons can be grouped into four broad categories: Economic-based reasons, structural reasons, security concerns and sentimental reasons.
Why do countries in a region integrate among each other?
While reasons vary, states will cooperate among with each other primarily because they seek some form of mutual gain. The New Regionalism Approach supports that,
“Core countries form regional groupings to compete better among themselves for market dominance and global pre-eminence. Developing countries, on the other hand, establish regional projects to strengthen their bargaining power in a world of unequal trade and unfair competition. In this way, they use regionalism as a collective response against globalisation in order to avoid further marginalisation.” (Grenade, 2016)
Regional organizations gain legitimacy primarily through “the articulation and implementation of distinctive regional norms and practices”. (Fawcett, 2013) The United Nations Charter, in Article VIII, also states that the Security Council encourages the actions of regional organizations, particularly in circumstances of absolving regional disputes. (United Nations, 1945) The European Union, à la base, was created after the close of World War II, and like the United Nations, served also the purposes of maintaining peace across the continent. This demonstrates the use of the interdependence approach to regionalism, and can also be applied in the construction of the West Indies Federation. This approach establishes that states will coordinate for reasons such as the supply of public goods, for security, and in matters of financial concern. The interdependence approach is particularly relevant in the West Indian case, as it is a key feature of developmental regionalism and is practiced in typically small, developing southern states.
We can use this context therefore to understand how the European Union and the West Indies Federation came about.
Foundation of the European Union and the Accession of the United Kingdom
The European Union of today began with the European Steal and Coal Community, founded in 1951. The neo-functionalist approach explains how this organization, through the spill-over effect, began with an economic pursuit and has evolved to become one of the most successful, multifaceted regional organizations in history. It coordinates on matters of trade, currency, foreign and domestic policy-making, security, as well as sports and in protecting human rights.
The UK declined the invitation to be a part of the founding members, leaving France, Belgium, Germany, Luxemburg and Italy. Seemingly, Britain was still carrying grievances from the Second World War. With a deepening relationship with the United States of America, she saw no need to pursue commitments with the EC. A decade later, the UK signalled its desire to join to become a part of the European Economic Community, but was vetoed twice by French President Charles De Gaulle, who argued that the UK would only be the US’ Trojan horse within the regional organization. Finally, in 1973, under Prime Minister David Heath, the United Kingdom acceded to the European Community. Not long after, in 1975, nearly 33% of the participating electorate believed that the UK should not stay in the European Community. The concerns shared with regards to negative effects of the population included increase in food prices and a loss of sovereignty. These fall among the cornucopia of reasons expressed for the UK’s overwhelming vote to leave the European Union in June, 2016.
Foundation of the West Indies Federation and Jamaica
The West Indies Federation, inaugurated in April of 1958, was perceived either to serve the purpose of passing off responsibility from the UK, or as a stepping stone for countries of the British West Indies to ultimately gain independence (Vasciannie, 2016). The UK believed that their small, recovering economy could not afford to sustain the financial burdens of its dependencies. At the time, the British Caribbean countries were recovering from strikes in the 1930s related to economic deficits, rising social tensions and post-war crises. In response, “the United Kingdom government saw Federation as a tiny bureaucratic solution to the problems that they faced.” (Coore, 1999). The British Caribbean Federation Act of 1956 founded the organization, with 10 of the members of the British Caribbean. The remaining countries of the British Caribbean opted not to join for various reasons, namely concurrent discussions for independence, and the desire for deepening relations with North America. (KnowledgeWalk Institute) Jamaica was the largest in terms of population, and with Trinidad, was the largest contributor to the Federation’s budget, creating a predisposition that Jamaica’s interests should be represented above all others.
Comparing and Contrasting “Brexit” and Jamaica’s Reasons for Withdrawing from the West Indies Federation
Economic-based reasons
Economics had different roles to play in the referendums held on the West Indies Federation and the European Union.
As a trade unionist, and leader of the party in opposition Bustamante sought only to improve conditions of the poor and working class, and critiqued the institutions that were perceived as a threat to their well-being. He saw no tangible benefits of the Federation to Jamaica, and believed that the country would be “called upon to support the smaller, (…) less developed (…) islands of the Eastern Caribbean.” (Coore, 1999) The interdependence theory explains the ambitions of the United Kingdom for the Federation, that the wealth of the richer islands would be distributed throughout the region. However, Jamaica’s refusal to carry this burden was demonstrated in their frustration with the disproportionate levels of contribution to the Federation. In Bustamante’s eyes, and in those of many Jamaicans, Jamaica deserved more seats in the Federal parliament, as a result of being a high contributor to the population and the budget. Furthermore, Jamaica had no control over monetary or economic, nor any other country in the region. The Federation did not grant the promised autonomy, and therefore, “the region (…) was still (…) an economic colony of the United Kingdom.” (Coore, 1999)
A similar sentiment was shared by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the 1980’s, as she popularly expressed her desire to withdraw the UK from the European Community. She felt that the contribution of the UK was far too great, and was displeased with the low agricultural subsidies that the UK was receiving, compared to those that other countries were receiving. The UK did not appear to be reaping the many benefits that were guaranteed after joining the European Community. Despite the ambitious expectations of a booming economy and lower gas prices, two years into the organization, doubts arose once more, and a referendum was held in a situation of turmoil: “strikes and power cuts continued, and rising oil prices caused double-digit inflation.” (Wilson, 2014) In 1984, Margaret Thatcher was able to secure a rebate on the contributions of the UK to the EU budget. (D'Alfonso, 2016) Despite the fact that she significantly reduced the UK’s contribution (by 66%), and increased the agricultural subsidies that were granted to the UK, there remained angst within the population on the amount that the UK was investing in the organization, compared to how much it was getting out.
One key aspect of the Brexit Leave campaign was the propaganda and misinformation which guided voters’ thoughts. One example is the key phrase “£55 million is sent to the EU every day”, ignoring the aforementioned rebates. (Kirkup, 2016) The Leave campaign, pushed mainly by Boris Johnson, persuaded the population that there would be no negative economic effects of Brexit, and that the dynamism of the British economy would allow it to have an easy recovery. The population was also convinced by Johnson that there would be no backlash on the rest of the countries in the European Union, stating that investment and trade would continue uninterrupted. On the other hand, the Bank of England, as well as Prime Minister David Cameron’s Remain campaign led a “Project Fear”, predicting an economic meltdown if the UK were to leave the EU. This strategy was futile, however, as the population seemed not to respond to fear.
Structural reasons
Both Jamaica and the UK had significant disagreements with the structure, vision, and functioning of the regional organizations to which they were/ are a part of. The realist view helps to explain the significance of sovereignty in an anarchic world, and therefore why Jamaica and the UK were so unwilling to relinquish parts of this sovereignty, to be governed by a supranational organ- led by leaders from other regional powers. Moreover, the domestic policy convergence theory, similar domestic policies allow for smoother processes of integration. Unfortunately, domestic policies within the UK do not always converge with those in the EU, which has been proven by the 6 opt outs that the UK as previously negotiated.
The main issue that Jamaicans, and other Caribbean nationals had with the Federation is the small margin of autonomy that it was granted by Britain, despite being created as a path to independence. The responsibilities of the Federation were few. Furthermore, the Federation was extremely constrained as it pertained to legislation, and was only allowed to vote on certain matters. Decisions could then be overturned by the Governor General, who, at the time, was Lord Hailes- selected, and sent directly from Britain. The region had no control over their monetary, defence, or foreign policies. The reality of the Federation did not fulfil its expectations, and its largest members were not in agreement on the direction that the Federation should take. Whereas Barbados envisioned a social and economic free trade community, with a supranational federal government and free movement of persons, Trinidad and Jamaica were completely opposed to this vision. Jamaica, and as voiced specifically by Bustamante, was not in favour of an all-powerful federal government.
Within the UK, the aversion to the structure of the European Community was perhaps driven home best by Margaret Thatcher in 1985 in one of her famous speeches to the EU: "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level, with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels!" (BBC News, 2016)
It did not take long for the UK to begin questioning its decision to accede to the European Community. This declaration by Mrs Thatcher was made after a decision by Jacques Delors, the then president of the European Commission to make the Commission the democratic institution of the Community, and the Council, the Senate. Mrs. Thatcher echoed the voices of many Britons in declaring her distrust for the Community.
“Increased EU supranationality was perceived by Eurosceptics within Britain as an erosion of British sovereignty, territoriality and autonomy.” (Grenade, 2016)
“Opt outs”
Another impetus for the UK’s massive vote to leave the EU is that the organization had long been considered to represent contrasting values to the UK. The diverging visions for the EU held by the UK versus those by other Member States is evidenced by the several opt outs that the UK has negotiated with the EU. The UK has historically secured opt outs for the following policies: The EU Social Charter (the UK subsequently opted in under Prime Minister Tony Blair), the European Monetary Union (Eurozone), the Schengen Agreement, and in the area of freedom, security and justice. The UK’s haphazard attitude towards EU legislation has been described as “à la carte”, and has limited the UK’s commitments to integrating with the region. (Briggs, 2015)
Security concerns
Where the reasons for a negative vote diverge, is on the question of security. Within the United Kingdom, tensions have been rising among races and ethnic groups, as there has been an increase in the rate of immigration into the country (a continent- wide phenomenon). There is a common feeling that due to the increased influx of persons entering the UK, crossing EU borders, crime rates have soared, public services are overburdened, and jobs are scarce, and priority is no longer given to the typical white middle class applicant. Persons were led to believe that leaving the EU would mean both chasing out unwanted immigrants, and preventing others from entering the UK through EU borders. This was, however, a misconception used as fuel and propaganda for the Leave campaign. Immigrants are blamed for overpopulated schools, lack of housing and long lines in health centres. The underfunding of public services, due to budget cuts in government and institutional challenges are the root causes of these issues. However, these causes are hidden from the public, and blame is passed on to the next vulnerable target.
“Immigrants, in turn, have become an easy scapegoat for politicians of nearly all
persuasions. It is easier to blame them than address the chronic policy failures driving the
rise in anti-immigrant sentiment.” (Tilford, 2015)
Furthermore, concerns about criminal activity were compounded by the increase in terrorist attacks across Europe, which “severely aggravated social antagonisms. (Grenade, 2016) Bombings in France, and in Brussels, just months before the attacks, led to increased apprehension about refugees, immigrants and an increase in hate crime. Many thought that London would be next on ISIS’ hit-list, after targeting some of the world’s great capitals. It was popularly believed that being a part of the European Union made the UK susceptible to attack, and labelled the country as a possible target, as one of the hated Western countries, and raison d’être of terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda and the Islamic State. (Le Terrorisme en Question)
While in Jamaica, though concern had been expressed about liberalization and free movement of factors of production, no influx of immigrants had impacted their perception of the Federation. This idea of a threat to security was particular to the UK, as the EU, after each attack, seemed weaker and weaker. The refugee crisis, and the “open door” policy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, weakened the position of the EU. This became a great concern as it was revealed that some Syrian refugees, who were recently allowed entry into the EU, may have participated in the Paris attacks in December of 2015.
“Within the EU, many citizens have lost trust in the state and supranational institutions as protectors of their security and promoters of their welfare. Brexit was a manifestation of this tendency.” (Grenade, 2016)
A neoliberal institutionalist approach contributes to understanding the EU’s response to the refugee crisis. This approach states that regional organizations are formed and coordinated by states and state actors, who will seek to advance their national interest within the organization. Much to the displeasure of the UK, Germany exerted extreme pressure on EU leaders to act in the crisis, as part of its humanitarian will. This, however, has been to the detriment of the UK, who was not as willing as its German counterparts to accept migrants, and quotas on migrant inflows. The UK then voted to leave the EU, in order to regain some of the sovereignty in decision-making that was lost in 1973.
Sentimental reasons
The constructivist approach argues that increased interactions of countries within a region will promote the creation of a regional identity and consciousness. Though this may be true now for the Caribbean, at the time of the West Indian Federation, there was very little cohesion between Jamaica and the rest of the region. Later, I will discuss how the inability to self-identify with the region also contributed to the UK’s vote to leave the EU.
There was, at the time, no feeling of West Indian nationalism, or if there was, Jamaica did not identify with it; and for several reasons. Firstly, the geographic isolation of Jamaica from the rest of the English speaking Caribbean was a challenge to building a sense of unity. This distance was multidimensional, and was reflected even in the running of the organization. Jamaicans seemed somewhat ambivalent to the populations in the Eastern Caribbean, and considered them a burden to Jamaica’s growth. Whereas the population of the Eastern Caribbean conducted trade and travelled among the islands, Jamaica had no similar experience. This contributed to its alienation. Few Jamaicans had the experience of travelling to that side of the Caribbean, and developed a mentality as one and apart from the rest. Moreover, apart from the few that were well travelled, or otherwise educated, there was a lack of interest, or consciousness for the goings of the rest of the Caribbean.
As the only member of the Federation in the Greater Antilles, cohesion with the other members became tedious. Ultimately, the sentiment of Jamaican nationalism overpowered the desire to integrate within the region. Federation was a means to achieve independence. Prior to the vote, two choices were presented: Jamaica stays in the Federation and would eventually gain independence at a unity with the other islands, or Jamaica would leave the federation and pursue their own independence, in other words, Jamaica would foot it alone. As there was no pre-existing feeling of West Indianness, no desire to share independence with the other islands, the choice was easy.
There was competition between the two largest countries in the Federation, Jamaica and Trinidad, to have their interests heard and represented. These three countries all vied to be the country to host the regional headquarters for the Federation. The selection of Trinidad over Jamaica was seen as a loss, not only to political leaders, but also to the political might that Jamaica possessed in the organization.
Where the United Kingdom is concerned, there were sceptics even from the debut. Britain’s involvement with the EU could be compared to dipping one’s foot in the pool without completely going in. Like Jamaica, the United Kingdom is separated by sea from the rest of the European continent, which intensified the difficulties faced with travel and communication. The feeling of Europeanness and unity were severely lacking. In the 2015 Eurobarometer, only 56% of persons in the UK responded positively to feeling like a citizen of the European Union- the sixth lowest score within the EU.[1] The UK has typically recorded low scores, relative to countries like Portugal and Germany. Great Britain has also experienced a surge in nationalist sentiments, and British pride, rivalling the regionalist sentiments. However, in contrast to Jamaica in the West Indies Federation, British nationalism and Euroscepticism has led to a rise in radical political thought, with increases in extreme right wing political movements and a dramatic increase in hate crime, both before and after the Brexit referendum. Seemingly, xenophobia, with respect to migrant populations has emerged as a consequence of nationalist sentiments. (Werts, Lubbers, & Scheepers, 2012)
“The ‘immigration problem’ in the EU brings to the fore the tension between the imperatives of market viability and the need for social cohesion. It is this tension, in part, that has unleashed a new wave of nationalist populism that is sweeping through the West.” (Grenade, 2016)
The UK has historically pursued relations with long-time ally, the United States, putting the EU on the backburner. This may also be due to linguistic differences, an issue that did not affect the West Indies Federation, who was comprised entirely of the Anglophone Caribbean countries.
Political Pressure
Seemingly, labour parties disfavour regionalism.
Founder and head of the Jamaica Labour Party, Sir Alexander Bustamante was the main leader of the campaign to leave the Federation, and was simultaneously vying to lead the island into a new era of independence.
“"I never liked this damn Federation anyway," Sir Alexander Bustamante is reported to have said after long contemplation of the issues and in discussion with his colleagues on May 30, 1960. "I am going to pull Jamaica out of it." ” (Neita, 2014)
Bustamante coerced Manley into calling the September 19 referendum after declaring that when the JLP is again in government, it would be withdrawing Jamaica from the Federation. This was the tip of the iceberg for Manley, who announced the referendum in May of 1961.
Within Manley’s own party, the PNP, scepticism was high, even before the inauguration of the Federation. With elections fast approaching, the PNP was concerned that Manley would desert the party at a crucial time, to run for Prime Minister of the Federation. Furthermore, party leaders were ambivalent about Jamaica’s future in the Federation. (Coore, 1999) The division of the party, and the entire population put pressure on its leader to find the correct solution. The decision of who to preside over the Federation was to be made just after elections in Trinidad and in Jamaica, where both leaders, Eric Williams and Manley felt a responsibility to their islands to coordinate social and economic reforms. Amidst disagreement and tensions in each concerning the Federation within respective party, neither leader assumed the position. This decision would later be regarded as lack of interest of the leaders, and a preliminary reason for the failure of the Federation. In truth, there was a lack of on the ground support for the Federation. Jamaicans were unaware of how they would benefit from the Federation, and therefore saw little reason to be a part of it.
Fast-forward fifty-five years in the United Kingdom, mounting discourses and pressure from Eurosceptic movements led to increasing tensions within the leading party. Prime Minister David Cameron was compelled by tensions in the Kingdom, as well as in his own party, and called the referendum for June 23, 2016. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), led by Eurosceptic Nicholas Farage had been gaining support in recent years. Additionally, the Eurosceptic views mayor of London, Boris Johnson weighed heavily on the population, finally influencing the decision for Cameron to call the referendum, though he claims he never really intended to do so. The undeniably low scores recorded by the Eurobarometer, and the increased nationalist and right wing movements compelled Cameron to cede to the pressure and set a date for the referendum.
“The question of Europe continued to polarise opposing camps within the ruling Conservative Party as well as within the opposition Labour Party. In fact, a factional dispute within the Conservative Party triggered the referendum.” (Grenade, 2016)
Understanding the Brexit and Federation Referendums
Looking at the detailed results of the vote in both cases helps us to understand how the Leave campaign was able to gain the majority vote. While not much detail is available on the spread of votes in the 1961 referendum in Jamaica, it was found that the majority of the vote to leave came from persons living in rural areas, while most persons in the corporate area, PNP stronghold, voted for independence within the Federation. 62% of the electorate participated in the referendum, with a majority of 35,535. (Coore, 1999)
While in the United Kingdom, it was found that the majority of the Leave vote came from Boston, in England. Scotland (62%), London (60%), Northern Ireland (55.8%) and Gibraltar all voted to remain- with 95.9% of the population in Gibraltar voting to remain. Whereas the percentage of the population that voted was much higher in the UK than in Jamaica (72% in the UK compared to 62% in Jamaica), the margin of winning votes was proportionally smaller (4% in the UK compared to 8% in Jamaica). (BBC, 2016) Notably, the UK referendum assembled one of the highest participation levels in recent elections, while the voter turnout in the West indies Federation referendum were lower than the elections immediately preceding and following the referendum. (History of Jamaican Elections.) In further disaggregating the votes, the BBC reports that persons with less than 15 years of education, those in a lower social class, as well as those who were unemployed generally voted to leave the EU. Those that voted to stay were typically the youth, those employed in high level jobs who understood the economic benefits of the EU, and significantly, also, university- level students who benefit from student exchange programs. (BBC , 2016)
Furthermore, both losing camps led relatively losing campaigns. In Jamaica, Manley focused his persuasive discourse on party loyalty, and ventured less into rural Jamaica, believing that the overwhelming party support that the PNP gained in the last elections would guarantee a win for his campaign to remain in the Federation. On the other hand, “the old warhorse Bustamante, 73 years old and in opposition for six years, jumped at the leash and took on the PNP all over the island in a whirlwind campaign.” He began his campaign in March prior to the referendum, compared to the PNP’s relatively late start. (Neita, 2014)
In the UK, leaders of the Leave campaign, Boris Johnson and Michael Gove had been rallying support even before the referendum date had been called. Understanding the woes of the population, their argument changed from economic benefits of leaving the EU, to an anti-migration stance; promising that leaving the EU would curb the levels of migration into the UK. The Remain campaign, led by Prime Minister David Cameron, focused on “Project Fear”, warning the population of the possible economic and political backlash if the UK were to leave the EU. Instead of focusing on the benefits of remaining in the EU, and encouraging persons to see how much the UK gains from its membership, the Remain campaign emphasized the risks of leaving the campaign, and was unable to persuade the majority of the population.
“The Leave campaign, for all its lies and disinformation, provided just such a lure. It claimed that liberating Britain from the shackles of the E.U. would enable it to reclaim its former glory. The Remain side argued, in effect, that while the E.U. isn’t great, Britain would be even worse off without it. That turned out to be a losing story.” (Cassidy, 2016)
The question posed in the 1961 referendum was "Should Jamaica remain in the West Indies Federation?". However, the population perceived this as asking whether or not Jamaica would gain independence in the following year, and under which leadership. Ultimately, 54.1% of the Jamaican voters, facing pressure from Bustamante and observers abroad, voted against the Federation.
Conclusion
In applying several theory approaches, and in clearly categorizing the reasons for the West Indies Federation and Brexit referendums, I attempted to give a compared and contrasting view of the events, separated by a mere 55 years. Interesting to note, is the many ways in which the two referendums resemble each other, from the leadership of the campaigns, to the deep attachment to sovereignty. The level of heterogeneity within Europe contributed to the difficulty experienced in the UK with identifying with the European citizenship. This lack of regional consciousness was also experienced in Jamaica, where the division from the rest of the Caribbean by sea seemed to be the biggest challenge- especially due to minimal and infrequent modes of transportation. Prime Minister David Cameron took the same bait that Premier Norman Manley did, ceding to pressure from the opposition and triggering the call for a referendum. I argue that, in assessing the similarities of both campaigns and general conditions, Cameron could have learnt from Manley, and altered his course to win the referendum, or not call it to begin with. By leading a more aggressive, grass roots campaign, less based on fear and complacency, Cameron could have guaranteed a win for the Remain camp. This is especially true, after realizing that the campaign was lost by a mere 4%. Reasons for the results of both referendums converge on the topic of security, where an increase in Euroscepticism and extreme right-wing radicalism have increased nationalist sentiments, and pushed concerns about the ability of the EU to protect its population. This triggered negative attitudes to immigrants, other minorities and the inclusiveness of the European Union, and was the primary weapon used by the Leave camp. The second part of this article will attempt to look at the elections which followed both referenda and the campaigns led by each camp which led to the departure by Jamaica from the Federation and the imminent Brexit.
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