Haiti's Future is in Haitians' Hands

This past weekend, I had the honor of leading sessions on leadership and business management for 100 young Haitians as part of the Haitian Center for Leadership's (CLE) Angaje program. This initiative empowers young Haitian social entrepreneurs who are dedicated to making a positive impact on their lives, communities, and country. Anchored in the Asset-Based Community Development (ABCD) model promoted by its partner, the Coady Institute, the program emphasizes building on the strengths and capacities of communities to drive change. The experience left me feeling inspired, energized, and more hopeful about Haiti's future than I've been in a long time.

These young people—and the CLE team supporting them—are the reason I continue to believe in Haiti's potential. They motivate me to keep thinking, writing, and proposing alternative paths for how we, as Haitians, can lead the change our country desperately needs. While our challenges are immense, they serve as a reminder that solutions must come from within, and this rising generation represents our best chance at success.

Additionally, what struck me most about these young leaders was their blend of realism and ambition. They acknowledge our struggles—corruption, violence, and lack of opportunities—yet remain dedicated to finding solutions. They understand that lasting change won't come from external forces; it will come from Haitians taking ownership of our problems and collaborating to solve them.

Rethinking External Influences and Internal Accountability

Yet, in conversations with fellow Haitians, particularly those in the diaspora as well as some friends and allies of Haiti, I hear a common belief that Haiti's problems primarily stem from external interference. Some argue we're paying the price for disrupting the world order when our enslaved ancestors fought for and won their freedom. Others believe the international community, especially the United States, covets Haiti's resources, like our supposed massive reserve of iridium. Many cite a combination of racism and other factors.

Although there are some truths to some of those claims, for too long, we've been too focused on external interference while overlooking the internal failures that invite intervention. We all know that we need strong institutions to address our problems, but we either fail to establish them or undermine existing ones. Our leaders often seem unprepared and self-serving. Even worse, at every turn they create policies that work against the national interest.

Consider the case of the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT). Three of its members have been accused of corruption, allegedly attempting to bribe the former president of the National Bank of Credit to keep his position. Despite calls from Haitian civil society for their removal, they remain in office, supported by their allies. While I believe in due process, the CPT's previous actions since taking office—ignoring the April 3rd Accord they signed, failing to establish the required oversight body, and refusing to publish their assets—leave little room to doubt their involvement in a bribery scheme. Indeed, the entire council has exposed itself to accusations of corruption by failing to honor the agreement they signed.

Locally, the notion that Haiti lacks resources is a misconception. The fact that gangs can establish and profit from toll systems, with the population complying by paying, highlights the state's failure to collect and manage taxes effectively. According to BTI's Transformation Index, Haiti’s tax revenue is 13% of GDP, the lowest in the region. On the other hand, the young people I spoke with shared their frustrations about the challenges they face in registering businesses and accessing basic services, further emphasizing the government's shortcomings. These issues are internal and not the result of foreign interference.

On this trip, I flew to Cap-Haitien, a key entry point into the country. The drive from the airport to the city reveals a neglect that is simply criminal. Despite charging high airport fees, the condition of the country's two "international airports" remains unacceptable. The condition of the city reflects the country's governance gap.

These situations illustrate how we often fail to hold ourselves accountable, only to protest when external actors intervene. To minimize outside influence, we must live up to our ideals and take responsibility for our governance.

Discarding Outdated Practices

We must also stop clinging to outdated ways of life and romanticizing Haiti's past. While our ancestors achieved remarkable feats, the truth is Haiti was "great" only for a select few, while the majority lived in abject poverty. The nostalgic "Make Haiti Great Again!" mentality is only hindering our progress.

Many, including me, fondly remember traditional life and ways of doing things. One example is our cherished memories of women roasting and pounding the coffee beans. I can still smell the coffee roasting on the fire as they mix it with brown sugar. What we/I often forget is that this process is laborious and inefficient. We need to modernize these practices, increasing productivity and reducing physical strain.

Similarly, we often claim agriculture is Haiti's economic backbone and are fond of repeating that Haiti is essentially an agricultural country. Yet, for most farmers, this translates to backbreaking work that has high risks and little reward. To boost our agricultural output, we need mechanization and industrialization. However, the transition will be challenging and require support for those who will be displaced, but it's essential for genuine economic growth.

It Is Up to Haitians to Transform Haiti

While international actors exert considerable influence on our policies and politics, the belief that change cannot happen unless "they" leave us alone severely limits our ability to act. Some countries and entities may indeed prefer to see Haiti remain unstable to serve their interests. However, knowing this fact should push us to rise to the challenge, not resign ourselves to our circumstances.

History offers many examples of countries that have navigated adversity and external pressures yet managed to transform themselves. South Korea's Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement) stands as a powerful testament to this possibility. Despite a history of colonization by Japan, this did not deter South Korea nor its relationship with its former colonizers. The New Village movement focused on "improving rural infrastructure, enhancing living conditions, and significantly increasing household income." Most importantly, it fostered a "can-do" spirit and a shared vision for a better future, sustained by community-level volunteerism. By emphasizing education, innovation, and industrialization, South Korea transformed itself into one of the world's most advanced economies.

In contrast to countries that have successfully navigated external pressures, Haiti's narrative often focuses on victimhood. Journalist Amy Wilentz, in her recent article in The Nation titled "JD Vance's Slanders Are Far From the Worst Thing the US Has Done to Haitians," highlights this paradox. She notes that "despite the U.S. providing $380 million in financial assistance in 2023, and the international community contributing approximately $13 billion in the decade following the earthquake, there has been little economic progress for Haitians." Wilentz points out that "many Haitians and foreign analysts believe much of this aid has been misappropriated, benefiting corrupt governments and their allies instead of funding social programs and development."

While many will applaud Wilentz's critique, I hold a different view. If aid has indeed been "misappropriated" by Haitians, then it is clearly a Haitian problem. We cannot blame external forces while ignoring our role in enabling corruption and poor governance. The common phrase in the Haitian lexicon, "se pa fòt mwen" ("it's not my fault"), epitomizes this mindset. Tragically, this attitude is often reinforced by well-meaning but misguided friends and allies in our fight for liberation. Ms. Wilentz's closing paragraph is revealing: "When people ask how Haiti can be 'like that' when it is so close to the US, the proper response is that it's 'like that' precisely because it is so close to the US." This statement implies that Haiti's problems are primarily due to its proximity to the United States. However, since neither the U.S. nor Haiti will relocate, such reasoning suggests we should simply give up. This defeatist attitude, promoted by those who consider themselves Haiti's allies, is deeply problematic. Indeed, with friends who reinforce such helplessness, Haiti hardly needs enemies.

Those of us who study international affairs or understand geopolitics recognize that wealthier countries inevitably exert influence over smaller ones. While the international system is not fair, this doesn't mean smaller nations are powerless. On the contrary, countries from the Dominican Republic to Rwanda have demonstrated that, even under external pressures, it's possible to develop and implement policies that benefit their populations and prioritize domestic needs. Their examples serve as a counterfactual to the notion of inevitable powerlessness, showing that nations can navigate international influences while still pursuing their own development agendas. However, for this to happen, we need true and visionary patriots who can lead their countries toward progress despite external challenges.

What Haiti needs is a fundamental shift in mindset. Rather than viewing international influence as an insurmountable obstacle, we must see it as a reality to be navigated strategically and diplomatically. This means focusing on building our capacities, strengthening our institutions, and developing policies that serve our people's interests. By embracing this perspective, we can move beyond the narrative of victimhood and take proactive steps toward Haiti's development.

It's time for Haitians to recognize our agency in shaping our nation's future, even within the complexities of global competition. As South Korea did with Saemaul Undong, we must foster a national spirit of self-reliance, innovation, and community-driven progress. Only by taking responsibility for our transformation can we hope to build the Haiti we envision—a prosperous, just, and truly independent nation.

Charting a New Course for Haiti

To move forward, we must take decisive action on multiple fronts. We need to build and strengthen our institutions while holding our leaders accountable and demanding transparency in governance. We must let go of outdated practices and embrace modern, efficient methods in agriculture and industry. We must invest heavily in education and create opportunities to retain our skilled workforce and attract those who left to come back. Above all, we must take responsibility for our nation's future, rather than blaming external forces for our challenges.

We need an ideological transformation similar to South Korea's Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement). The South Koreans refused to let external challenges or adversarial relationships define their future. We must learn to do the same. This transformation should instill a sense of national pride, a "can-do" spirit, and a shared vision for a better Haiti.

The future of Haiti is in our hands. It's time we embrace that responsibility and work together to build the Haiti we all dream of—a prosperous, just, and truly independent nation. The young people I met through the Haitian Center for Leadership's (CLE) Angaje program inspire hope that this transformation is possible. Their energy, creativity, and determination to create positive change in their communities are the seeds of the change we need. Programs like Angaje offer a glimmer of hope, cultivating new leaders who bring a fresh model of leadership to our nation. As we move forward, let's draw inspiration from their commitment and channel it into a nationwide movement for Haiti's renewal.