An Orgy of Jewish Supremacy and Antidemocratic Euphoria, Encouraged by Netanyahu

Carlo Penco's Note: In my previous article shared here on Linkedin, I wrote I don't regard the Gaza Strip conflict as a soccer match without rules and forbidden shots, Palestine vs Israel, in which two sides' supporters confront each other rooting for their favourite squad without any fair play and sportsmanship. No, in my opinion, it is just a humanitarian catastrophe entangling millions of unarmed civilians.

In those days, it is tough to support this position without being accused of anti-Semitism on the one hand and without worrying about the painful fate of the Palestinians in Gaza on the other. In Italy, my country, as well as in other European Union countries, governments have banned demonstrations against the war in Gaza and support of the Palestinians because, they say, they would incite anti-Semitic hatred. 

This thorny situation appeared while, on January 27, we celebrated the "Remembrance Day". In this recurrence, we remind the new generations of the tragedy of the Holocaust. This is a critical situation in a country where the Premier and part of the majority that supports the government are former neo-fascists. That is the political heirs of the Mussolini government, which, on October 6 1938, promulgated the so-called "Racial Laws". These established the fundamental points of fascism's idea towards the concept of race. These racial laws were the basis of the fascist policy of repression and persecution, which, in a very short period, attempted to erase the Jewish community in Italy, as "Jews do not belong to the Italian race".

Today, I would like to share an article published in the secular and democratic Israeli newspaper Haaretz, which denounces an aspect of Netanyahu's government policy that is not known in the West. In the Israeli government, there is an ultra-Orthodox faction (fundamental for the survival of the government and of Premier Netanyahu himself) which supports a supremacist and ultra-nationalist vision. The goal is not only the resettlement of Jews in Gaza but also the expulsion and displacement of Palestinians from the West Bank – the biblical Judea and Samaria – as well as from Gaza.

Alon Pinkas, the author of this article, appeals to the liberal-democratic majority in Israel to open their eyes and stop this theocratic drift that seems about to implement a constitutional coup.

Enjoy the reading.

U.S. President Joe Biden should remember the scenes from Sunday's far-right Conference calling for the resettlement of Gaza the next time he talks to Benjamin Netanyahu about a reconfigured Middle East.

Jerusalem Post played host Sunday to the modestly and concisely titled "Conference For the Victory of Israel – Settlement Brings Security: Returning to the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria." What you saw there was a religious-nationalistic sect in a state of thrall.

Even if you've seen one before, it's not the same. This Conference was not a fringe opposition group: it was the government of Israel in all its political splendour, unabashedly showing its true colours. This event was the governing coalition in an orgy of anti-state and antidemocratic euphoria.

But sure – and here I'm talking to U.S. President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken – you can keep pretending to be engaging Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a geopolitical dialogue over a reconfigured Middle East. Let's see how that works out for you.

What you saw Sunday wasn't "Startup Nation" Israel. It wasn't "13 Nobel Prizes" Israel. It wasn't "Weizmann Institute of Science" Israel, nor "Iron Dome technology" Israel. It was not liberal-democratic Israel.

What you saw was messianic ecstasy and religious fervour in a position of power. What you saw was not merely a theocratic-fascist strain in Israeli society and politics but almost half of Mr Netanyahu's coalition (27 lawmakers), including five ministers in his government.

What you saw was not some wishful-thinking, abstract idea of resettling Gaza with Jews but a cry for the expulsion and displacement of Palestinians. What you saw was more about the West Bank – biblical Judea and Samaria – than it is about Gaza.

Lastly, what you saw was not just the far-right elements in Netanyahu's government trying to make a point by demonstrating that they completely control him politically. This is him. Unadulterated, unhinged Netanyahu, trying to distance himself far from the debacle of the October 7 massacre.

This strain of religious-nationalistic Jewish supremacy has been normalized, legitimized, mainstreamed and encouraged by Netanyahu. So, President Biden, the next time you talk to him about "postwar Gaza," a "Palestinian state" or a "reconfigured Middle East," go back to the footage from Sunday's spectacle. Listen to the exultant, vociferous, rapturous delight there. And don't bother searching for Netanyahu's response. You won't find it. Israel is your ally; Mr. Netanyahu is a liability to your interests.

Now that the majority of Israelis have caught a clear glimpse of the future and realize what's in store, they may have to make a choice. The masks are off and the masquerade is over.

From the attendees' perspective, the timing of the event was impeccable. In fact, the issue of sensitivity to timing is not a concern or consideration for them at all. Two days after the International Court of Justice in the Hague rebuked Israel and recited incendiary Israeli rhetoric bordering on calls for genocide, some of the culprits were at it again with full force.

On the very day the head of the Mossad was meeting in Paris with the Qatari prime minister, Egyptian intelligence minister and director of the CIA to discuss a possible hostage deal, they were chanting "Return to Gaza." 

At a time when the United States – after the enormously generous aid it provided Israel, and encouraged by Saudi and Qatari overtures – is sketching and shaping an axis of stability and order, Netanyahu's coalition went on a road show to prove it is not a partner to a "postwar" anything.

But there's a flip side to this political horror show. Paradoxically, it is a necessary spectacle because maybe, just maybe, it will force Israel to decide. 

There is a liberal-democratic majority in Israel. The ultranationalists, extremist Orthodox Jews and settlers are the minority. Yes, Netanyahu put them in power because they serve his legal and political survival. Yes, they were and remain his willing partners in an obscene attempt to instigate a constitutional coup that would have turned Israel from a democracy into an undemocratic, illiberal semi-theocracy.

Now that the majority of Israelis have caught a clear glimpse of the future and realize what's in store, they may have to make a choice. 

The masks are off, and the masquerade is over. The messianic eruption is inextricably linked to both the occupation and uncertainty over the future of the territories and the constitutional coup Mr Netanyahu has tried to impose on Israel. They are connected vessels and are conducive to each other's existence.

The strain of "atchalta de'geulah" – Aramaic for the beginning of the redemption, prior to the coming of the Messiah – is as old as religious Zionism. 

It was enhanced by Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and nurtured after 1967's Six-Day War, which to a growing number of religious Zionists was a sign of the coming of the Messiah. From there, the settler movement evolved and had its outsize influence on the policies of right-wing governments. The settlers sought to create an irreversible reality and assumed that the Palestinians would either assent or flee. Religious Zionism sought to integrate into Israel's elites, partly succeeding, and gained limited political power.

A parallel cultural-religious-political process saw the religious Zionists become more ultra-Orthodox, while the ultra-Orthodox community, reclusive and suspicious of the state, has increasingly become nationalistic, xenophobic and racist.

This was the ideal airtight coalition Netanyahu needed to evade his legal problems and ongoing corruption trial. But with the constitutional coup and October 7 massacre (and subsequent war) exposing his weaknesses and vulnerability, the messianic bloc feels it needs to assert as much power as possible.

One hundred and fifteen days since 1,200 Israelis were killed, with some mutilated and raped, and while Israel Defense Forces soldiers are fighting in Gaza, a sect of religious zealots put on a carnival-style show complete with singing, dancing and chanting. So, President Biden, the next time you discuss the "Mideast security architecture" with the Israeli Premier, bear in mind Sunday's scenes. Those weren't just messianic. That was Mr. Netanyahu himself.

Now that the majority of Israelis have caught a clear glimpse of the future and realize what's in store, they may have to make a choice. The masks are off, and the masquerade is over. The messianic eruption is inextricably linked to both the occupation and uncertainty over the future of the territories and the constitutional coup Mr Netanyahu has tried to impose on Israel. They are connected vessels and are conducive to each other's existence.

The strain of "atchalta de'geulah" – Aramaic for the beginning of the redemption, prior to the coming of the Messiah – is as old as religious Zionism. It was enhanced by Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and nurtured after 1967's Six-Day War, which, to a growing number of religious Zionists, was a sign of the coming of the Messiah. From there, the settler movement evolved and had its outsize influence on the policies of right-wing governments. The settlers sought to create an irreversible reality and assumed that the Palestinians would either assent or flee. Religious Zionism sought to integrate into Israel's elites, partly succeeding, and gained limited political power.

A parallel cultural-religious-political process saw the religious Zionists become more ultra-Orthodox, while the ultra-Orthodox community, reclusive and suspicious of the state, has increasingly become nationalistic, xenophobic and racist.

This was the ideal airtight coalition Netanyahu needed to evade his legal problems and ongoing corruption trial. But with the constitutional coup and October 7 massacre (and subsequent war) exposing his weaknesses and vulnerability, the messianic bloc feels it needs to assert as much power as possible.

One hundred and fifteen days since 1,200 Israelis were killed, with some mutilated and raped, and while Israel Defense Forces soldiers are fighting in Gaza, a sect of religious zealots put on a carnival-style show complete with singing, dancing and chanting. So, President Biden, the next time you discuss the "Mideast security architecture" with the Israeli Premier, bear in mind Sunday's scenes. Those weren't just messianic. That was Mr. Netanyahu himself.

Alon Pinkas, senior writer on Israeli and American politics for Haaretz and former diplomat, writes for Haaretz in January 29, 2024.