Human Rights and Gender Proposals Made by the Women Federal Deputies in Brazil (2019-2022)

Abstract

This article identifies the legislative proposals (LP) on human rights and gender issues in Brazil presented by women federal deputies in the 56th legislature (2019-2022). We intend to identify, classify, and analyze its content through discourse analysis and some specific tools developed by the cognitive approach in public policy to observe what agenda these proposals represent, we will use the concepts of referential provides by the political sociology of public action to analyze the legislative proposals on human rights and gender. We must emphasize the importance and influence of women deputies in an undeniable male reality in the Chamber of Deputies environment.

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Fronzaglia, M. L., & Verndl, N. (2024). Human Rights and Gender Proposals Made by the Women Federal Deputies in Brazil (2019-2022). Open Journal of Social Sciences, 12, 124-143. doi: 10.4236/jss.2024.129007.

1. Introduction

This article identifies the legislative proposals (LP) on human rights and gender issues in Brazil presented by women federal deputies in the 56th legislature (2019-2022). We intend to identify, classify, and analyze its content through discourse analysis and some specific tools developed by the cognitive approach in public policy to observe what agenda these proposals represent. We must emphasize the importance and influence of women deputies in an undeniable male reality in the Chamber of Deputies environment.

In a broader sense, the main concern that motivates the article and the research is the attempt to answer the question about the role of the women deputies in Legislative Power proposing public policies in the fields of human rights and gender issues. It is essential to know how women congressmen defend the human rights and gender agenda in their intentions during the research period. The methodology aims to analyze and understand the propositions of women federal deputies as expressions of politics.

Considering that all bills are also proposals for public policies, we defend that their analysis and understanding can be carried out by the referential theory (or political sociology of public action), policy narratives, and the method of speech analysis. The first theory allows studying the research object from the concept of references, which are norms, parameters, values, and principles that guide the objectives of public policies in each period. The second and third approaches (policy narratives and speech analysis) allow us to study the justifications of the proposals as policy narratives to identify principles and interests defended by their authors.

2. Methodology

The study of a specific group of political actors in the federal legislature fits within political sociology and anthropology boundaries. The perception of a group can be defined as their worldview, as their specific way of explaining and assimilating the reality that surrounds them (Hamilton, 2007). It is also a justification for their actions and their role in a more complex web of social relationships. In the research carried out, we intend to know if the action of a specific group of political actors, the women deputies represent a singular discourse marked by gender and human rights. The women deputies’ bill proposals from 2019 to 2023 are configured in an object that can be studied and understood through discourse analysis that will be done by reading the justifications presented as part of the above-mentioned projects and taken up in this work as narratives.

Radaelli (2000) explores the relationship between the logic of power and public policies in the field of narratives. According to him, political actions are developed in plots where the main objective is often to establish a future order, explaining what should and can happen based on a path taken. A severe narrative of how aggregated social problems are conquered by human understanding. It does not necessarily have to be true; however, it must express the truth value.

Discourse Analysis is concerned with understanding the subject’s meanings through his communication (Caregnato & Mutti, 2006). In this way, it approaches the comprehensive sociology of Max Weber (2004), who studied social actions through meaning by social actors. One of the works references in the field of study is Pêcheux and Fuchs’ (1975) work. His theory is based on the relationship between history, language, and ideology. The first would be the historical and social context that permeates and conditions the discourse to be studied, language would be the material expression of the text and the intended meanings, and ideology would be understood as the system of ideas and values expressed in the discourse.

The ideas given by the women deputies through their bills are the materialization of their understanding of the reality that surrounds them, of social and economic relations (of cooperation and conflict). It is these justifications that make their problems accessible to understanding. Finally, discourse analysis also comes close to what André (1983: p. 67) defines as prose analysis: “(…) a way of investigating the meaning of qualitative data. It is a way of raising questions about the content of a given material (…)”.

Furthermore, considering that bills can be taken as policy proposals, the analysis will also occur through the political sociology of public actions approach or referential theory. According to this theory (Jobert & Muller, 1987), a public policy study is divided into three key elements: the global sectoral relationship, the referential, and the political actors involved in its construction. The first key idea deals with the relationship between the sector for which public policy is implemented and other areas and levels of public action. The second key, the referential, is the norms, learnings, and values expressed in a public policy. The reference is the political and cultural paradigm that supports public policies. The third element consists of the actors who work in the construction of the framework. We intend to use the referential as a cultural-political paradigm, comparing it with the proposals presented by women deputies. We want to know if the gender and human rights proposals represent a perspective of change in a society marked by patronage sexism.

2.1. Theoretical Reference

The object of this study is to evaluate the Legislative Propositions (PLs) of the 56th legislature (2019-2022) approved and elaborated by the deputies elected throughout the mandate on the themes of “Human Rights” and “Gender”, seeking to identify and outline the progressive or conservative profile of this new bench on the topic. During the mandate (2019-2022), 32 proposals were observed that will be analyzed a posteriori using the discourse analysis methodology.

2.2. Some Data

Not only in politics but in all social environments, in particular, the labor market historically shows discrepant female participation compared to male participation. Recently, throughout the 19th century, this perception has become a reality faced by the entire population, contradicting a phenomenon considered “natural” given the supposed female predilection for the domestic environment, low schooling, and lack of interest in business and politics, the latter continues to be perceived by both sexes as a predominantly male environment, which inhibits female participation. Furthermore, women have less access to formal politics (Miguel & Feitosa, 2009).

Part of this social perception stems from female insertion in the labor market, especially in Latin America, whose level of engagement remains one of the lowest in the world (Gasparini & Marchionni, 2015). It is possible to assess this condition based on the Gender Indicators - Minimum Set Gender Indicators (CMIG) and data collected by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, IBGE.

In 2019, the Brazilian population was 211.9 million, of which approximately 52.2% (109.4 million) were female. In the 25 - 49 age group, the employment level of women living with children up to 3 years of age was 54.6%, while that of men was 89.2%. In the same age group, without children, the female occupation level was 67.2% while the male was 83.4. Men’s occupation level is higher in both situations: with or without children. The difference between men and women with children was 34.6% in 2019.

Source: IBGE.

Black or brown women with children up to 3 years at home had the lowest occupation levels of 49.7% in 2019. The World of Labor (2014) reinforces that “differences between ethnic groups declined over time but remain noteworthy”.

Bloom et al. (2009) point out that each additional child reduces the female workforce in the 20 - 44 age group by between 5% and 10%. The reduction in fertility increases female labor by around 18%, resulting in an average of 7% per capita income gains. The authors highlight that the international experience highlights this phenomenon as one of the factors of the “miracle” of growth in Asia and Ireland.

It is possible to state that there was a change in the demographic cycle, where women began to have fewer children (consequently reducing the fertility rate) either by choice or by abortion laws, which even made it possible for black women to enter the labor market (Bloom et al., 2009: p. 80).

“In general, employed women tend to have fewer children, and women with children spend less time in the labor market” (Engelhardt et al., 2008: p. 110). The elasticity of the female labor supply concerning the market wage is greater, particularly for married women. Children further increase the elasticity of female labor supply concerning the market wage, as they offer more opportunities for domestic production (Jaumotte, 2003: p. 7).

Regarding caring for people or household chores, women dedicated almost twice as much time as men: 21.4 hours against 11 hours a week. The proportion of part-time workers (up to 30 hours per week) is also higher: 29.6% among women and 15.6% among men.

Calculated female work may include temporary work, an example of an employment relationship, which, despite being fragile, is enough to include a woman in the Economically Active Population (EAP). Unpaid domestic work is neither calculated nor taken into account as employment (Gasparini & Marchionni, 2015: p. 36).

The explanation for this difference lies in the historical and patriarchal fact that men should be the providers of the home and women providers of care for the children, and that can be corroborated by the indicator of the number of hours per week dedicated to care activities and people and household chores, by sex (CMIG 1).

Even when they are busy, the greater involvement of women in activities and household chores harms how they enter the labor market. The proportionality indicator of people employed in part-time work (CMIG 14) corroborates the hypothesis of female double shifts and their respective impacts on the labor market already evidenced by CMIG 1.

In terms of income in 2019, women received 77.7% (or just over 3/4) of men’s income. While the average monthly income of men was R$2555, that of women was R$1985. Income is, therefore, a determining factor to explain the inequalities between women in the execution of unpaid domestic work; the higher the female per capita income, the greater the conditions of access to services and the delegation of care activities for people and household chores (IBGE, 2021: p. 3).

Therefore, Gasparini and Marchionni (2015) show that female inclusion in the workforce has slowed since the early 2000s. However, the causes of this slowdown are unknown: it could be a momentary phenomenon or a movement of general stagnation.

The second hypothesis argues for the impossibility of general stagnation since a limit or “ceiling” has not been reached in many more developed countries to include women in the workforce. The same occurs in other developing countries, which have levels above Latin American female participation and are still growing.

2.3. Female Participation in the Labor Markety

There are two currents in the literature to justify female participation in the labor market: one more focused on the micro-universe, related to women’s individual choices, seeking to maximize their utility function or increase the social well-being of their homes, and a macro explanation, corroborated by taking into account that structural factors determine the participation of women in a U-shaped curve according to economic development, as defended by Goldin, Mammen and Paxson, Fatima and Sultana, Tam, Gaddis, and Klasen (Mehrotra & Parida, 2017: p. 361).

Another approach, tested by Mehrotra and Parida (2017), is concerned with verifying whether there is a proven relationship between currency depreciation and female participation in the market. However, it is not possible to prove that this more expressive participation reduces the difference between female and male participation rates since the better economy that comes with the depreciation of the real causes a greater participation of both genders in jobs (Mehrotra & Parida, 2017: p. 297).

It is also possible to note that the depreciation increases the number of employment opportunities for women in the industrial and manufacturing sectors, but there is no impact in the agricultural and service sectors (Mehrotra & Parida, 2017: p. 298). In the manufacturing sector, women are more vulnerable (due to their low level of qualification) to economic crises (Mehrotra & Parida, 2017: p. 375).

The entry of women into the labor market affects poverty, inequality, unemployment, and levels of education, among other social issues (Gasparini & Marchionni, 2015: p. 11).

However, according to IBGE (2021), in 2019, the lowest wages and the difficulties women face can be attributed to something other than education. Data indicate that Brazilian women are, on average, more educated than men.

The 2019 Continuous PNAD points out that for the population aged 25 years or over, 40.4% of men had no education or only incomplete elementary school, while for women, this rate was 37.1%. With higher education, the proportion of men is 15.1% compared to 19.4% of women (IBGE, 2021: p. 5). The difference is accentuated in the group between 25 and 34, where 25.1% of women had completed higher education against 18.3% of men, a difference of 6.8 percentage points (IBGE, 2021: p. 5). Despite improvements in female education over the years, Latin America remains the region with the greatest gender inequality in the world.

At least in Brazil, a positive relationship between education and female inclusion has been proven. “Returns to primary education increase over time, while returns to higher education levels are stable over periods” (Klasen et al., 2020: p. 13). In elementary school, both sexes registered the same rate of 95.8%. However, the difference becomes more distant between men and women until it peaks in higher education, with 29.7% of women against 21.5% of men. This means that a woman between 18 and 24 was 38% more likely to attend or finish higher education than a man in the same age group (IBGE, 2021: p. 5).

It is worth noting that, although women have higher rates than men, access to education is still uneven. According to IBGE (2021), black or brown women between 18 and 24 years old have an adjusted attendance rate in higher education of 22.3% compared to 40.9% of white women and 30.5% of white men. The lowest rate observed occurred among black or brown men, in the order of 15.7%.

Still, in 2019, the greatest difficulty for women to enter higher education is in areas correlated with the exact sciences and the sphere of production (on average, 17.45%). In areas related to care and well-being, the female participation rate is much higher, around 88.3% (IBGE, 2021: p. 6).

2.4. About Women Federal Deputies

In Brazil, despite women’s higher education, insertion in the labor market and public life, in general, is negligible. Ensuring equal opportunities and participation in decision-making are the goals of CMIG and the 2030 Agenda.

The Federal Chamber elected in 2019 had a strong conservative bias and had a small list of elected deputies. Of the 513 seats, only 77 were occupied by women, i.e., 15% of Parliament. Among those elected, 34 deputies were re-elected, and 43 assumed a new mandate.

Source: Câmara dos Deputados, 2018.

According to this data, three states did not elect women representatives: Maranhão, Sergipe, and Amazonas. In addition, the Federal District, which elected five women in a bench composed of 8 deputies, was proportionally the entity of the Federation that most elected deputies. In absolute terms, the state with the largest number of female deputies is São Paulo, with 11 women on the bench of 70 deputies.

Source: Câmara dos Deputados, 2018.

The newly elected women’s caucus is diverse in ideological and party terms. Among the elected deputies, nine are from the PSL, and ten are from the PT.

The percentage of women parliamentarians in office in the lower chambers (Chamber of Deputies) or unicameral parliament, measured by CMIG 44a, verified that in Brazil, this indicator increased from 10.5% in 2017 to 15% in 2019. Despite the increase, Brazil was the country in South America with the lowest proportion of women in the Chamber of Deputies, ranking 134th out of 190 countries.

Therefore, the result of the elections for the Chamber of Deputies in the 56th legislature showed that the Brazilian population (211.9 million inhabitants) was represented by 85% of men and only 15% of women in parliament. However, in 2019, 51.8% of the Brazilian population comprised women; there is an under-representation or a democratic deficit at all power levels.

It should be noted that the Brazilian electoral system obliges parties to reserve a quota of 30% for female candidates in representative elections. Despite this advance in legislation, the under-representation of women in the Chamber of Deputies in Brazil still needs to be addressed.

The percentage of women running for the position of the federal deputy was 31% of the candidacies, a percentage similar to the year 2014. This number is slightly higher than the number of female candidacies required by the Elections Law (9504/97), which is 30% of the total. Among the candidacies of deputies with revenues greater than R$ 1 million, only 18% were female.

In Miguel and Feitosa (2009), it was already evident that there is a vast literature that points to the ineffectiveness of these Brazilian quotas because, there is no transfer candidacies for seats in the Congress, as occurs in other countries. If the political parties do not meet the quota for women candidates there is no punishment. The resulta is that the growth of female presence in the Brazilian Federal Congress has been so timid.

In addition, the representation of 15% of women in the Chamber of Deputies remains well below the average in Latin America. In Latin American and Caribbean countries, the average number of women parliamentarians in the Chambers of Deputies or Single Chambers is 28.8%. Until 2019, Brazil occupied the 154th position in the ranking of women’s participation in Parliament prepared by UN Women in partnership with the Interparliamentary Union (UIP) in 2017, which analyzed 174 countries.

Brazil’s electoral system has strong macho and sexist characteristics. In addition, many of the female deputies elected in the 2018 general elections represent conservative and antifeminist agendas. Such characteristics are reflected in constructing a sexist and antifeminist agenda, elaborated by conservative politicians and women submissive to structural machismo (TESSER, 2022). In this context, the antifeminist agenda prevents women from acting in spaces of power.

The emergence of antifeminism is not a phenomenon restricted to Brazilian politics, it is also the expression of the emergence of Christian conservatism in several countries in the Americas and Europe. In this way, the activists of this movement see feminism and gender discussions as catastrophic, immoral, and harmful to society, thus distorting the traditional role of women in society (TESSER, IDEM).

Neoconservative Catholic religiosity is represented by deputies who send amendments to the Ministry of Family, Women, and Human Rights (MFMDH) to finance state policies with their antifeminist guidelines (TESSER, IDEM). These are outstanding features of Brazil’s 56th legislature of the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and 2022.

This trend was observed in da Costa (2016) in his study on gender, religion, and politics during the 54th legislature between 2010 and 2014 in the Chamber of Deputies. The denial of gender agendas guided the performance of these deputies, typically feminists. At this point, it is possible to perceive the antifeminist performance of the federal deputies. The religious and conservative discourse is an instrument of domination in the political struggle in the Brazilian Federal Chamber. Another point highlighted by da Costa (IDEM) is that conservative Christian action puts the secularity of the State and representative institutions of democracy at risk.

The rise of conservatism led to many questioning the gender and human rights policies under discussion in the Chamber of Deputies. Pinto and Vita (2015) analyze the processing of the 2013 bill that had as its main focus the tightening of the conditions for abortion existing in Brazil (anencephaly and rape). Pinto and Vita (2015) question whether men could be more concern with dominating female bodies and desires than with their children.

Therefore, the power relations in a patriarchal and sexist society are expressed in how men intend to regulate and oppress women. In the analysis of the bill, there are no new arguments, but old arguments that resurfaced with force in Brazil in the 2010s. These are arguments that fight for hegemony in the narratives of parliamentary debates. According to Pinto and Vita (2015) when we analyze the speeches involving the discussion of the project law n˚ 5.069 we can see women being treat like irresponsible liars and criminals involving in a kind of feminist plot that objectives distort the divine plot that God made for women: motherhood.

Rodrigues (2016) performs a critical discourse analysis of the speeches in the Chamber of Deputies on equal marriage between 2010 and 2014. In this work, the author studies the relationship between politics and religion of equal marriage. The author points out that legislative advances have been made by the judiciary, through the supreme court, and not by the Brazilian parliament. The speeches given in parliament contain, for the most part, prejudice against the different gender identified population and against equal marriage. As with gender issues, the discourses are grounded in Christian fundamentalism.

The conservative advance observed in the Federal Chamber reflects power struggles in Brazilian society. Fortes (2019), for example, points to the emergence of a conservative agenda in schools. At this point, conservative thinking opposes any education guided by respect for human rights, such as respect for the different gender orientated community.

Isabella Bruna Leme Pereira (2017) analyzes parliamentary speeches on gender and sexuality issues in the 2010s. According to the author, we realize that the speeches of conservative parliamentarians defend citizenship limited to individuals who are sexually attracted exclusively to people of the other gender.

Citizenship does not apply to all people in the same way; not everyone enjoys full citizenship, and some rights belong to men or women attracted to each other, which prevents people from exercising the fullness of civil and individual freedoms. Specifying the demands of certain social groups provoked a differentiation of the intended human rights, which gave rise to claims within the scope of citizenship in the sense of expanding rights to certain portions of the population. Individual freedoms related to affective experiences, sexuality, and gender identity, which we can simplify by calling “sexual rights,” are still disputed because, legally speaking, they are still restricted to the population that are sexually attracted exclusively to people of the other gender (Pereira, 2017: p. 83).

In Brazil, we would have citizenship restricted to those people who conform to the heteronormative reality. White, different sexual relationships, and conservative parliamentarians address human rights, gender, and different sexual issues. These issues are presented as themes that aim to destroy traditional Brazilian families. This fact is not an exception but a usual dynamic in the Chamber of Deputies. Thus, using religious discourses, conservative Christian deputies fail to respect the secularity of the legislative power and the State. The action of these legislators, according to the author, intends to push back legislative advances in gender and sexuality issues. This discourse is based on prejudice and wants to withdraw rights from historically oppressed populations.

The Legislative Power, our study section, the arm of the State that supposedly should represent and welcome the wishes and rights of individuals, is moved, for the most part, by personal convictions that reflect the interests of a specific group, which has justified its performance in conservatism and on Christian precepts in flagrant disrespect for the secularity of the State. The actions of most of these legislators are based on prejudices, mainly about race and gender, which reinforce sectarian discourses, intending to return historically oppressed social minorities to the closet, from which individual freedoms, the right to preserve their identity, which results in the violation of even the privacy of a part of society (Pereira, 2017: p. 151).

In a recent work, Goulart (2022) analyzes the speeches made in the Brazilian parliament in 2019 and 2020 regarding the Brazilian legislation on abortion. Here it is also possible to see the emergence of conservative and neoconservative discourses on this subject. The bills studied by the author reinforce the idea that the role of women in society is the role of motherhood. The bills tried to criminalize abortion practices already provided for by law under Brazilian law. The attempt to control women’s bodies has been a recurrent dynamic in Brazilian Christian conservatism. According to Goulart (2022) there is a moralization of feminized bodies in the language of sexual and reproductive rights in the abortion neoconservative discourses in the Brazilian National Congress.

We note that the strategy of congresswomen who fight for the rights of women and minorities is defensive; they try first to preserve what was once conquered.

Machado (2017) demonstrates that the articulation of the interests of neoconservative groups, mainly Pentecostals and Catholic conservatives, was articulated to participate and take their agendas to the public debate in the chamber of deputies. There is a moralization of the debate through neoconservative Christian values; in this way, morality is discussed by the parameters of religion. In the case of Brazil, Pentecostal denominations and conservative Catholics, these groups see other sexual relationships as the result of a social construction that can be revised and deconstructed. We would witness a time of ethical drive when social values emerge and challenge the current system. On the other hand, this system reacts through conservative movements that have appropriated social construction discourse to adapt their values and worldviews to it. Machado (2017) believes that this ethical drive can have some cultural nature in the fight for gender equality and the end of discrimination based on ethnicity and sexual orientation.

3. Results Analysis

Among the 77 elected deputies, 35 legislated on “Human Rights.” A total of 32

Figure 1. Female deputies proposals approved in human rights theme. Source: Câmara dos Deputados, 2023.

proposals were approved, among which, individually, a discourse analysis was carried out, verifying whether the proposals were progressive or conservative (Camara dos Deputados, 2019). It is noteworthy that the deputies with the most propositions were: Margarete Coelho, with three propositions, and Professor Rosa Neide also, with three propositions, followed by the deputies Laura Carneiro, Mara Gabrielle, Maria do Rosário, and Soraya Santos, all with two propositions. The other deputies participated in only one proposal during their mandate.

In an analysis by party, we have the participation of 18 parties in PLs on the subject of Human Rights, emphasizing the PT with eight proposals, followed by the PP with six proposals and with five proposals PSL and PSDB (Figure 1).

The hypothesis formulated in this study seeks to assess whether the propositions made by the deputies corroborate the literature and the imminent need to establish public policies to reduce inequality between the sexes. If rejected, the alternative hypothesis assumes that underrepresentation still needs to be overcome.

4. Conclusion

In the bibliographic review of the article, we witnessed academic works highlighting the rise of conservatism in the Brazilian parliament. There has been a growth of law and conservatism in Brazilian politics. The election of Jair Bolsonaro is an example of this growth. However, we did not find conservative characteristics in the bills presented by women deputies and approved by the Brazilian parliament.

The bills proposed by women in gender and human rights dealt mainly with violence against women and protection against domestic violence. These guidelines are considered progressive. On the other hand, the abortion agenda, so defended by the feminist movement, never entered the agenda of the Brazilian parliament. In addition, other advances in the areas of human rights were made by the Brazilian Supreme Court, as in the case of same-sex marriage.

We must also consider that there is an underrepresentation of women in the Brazilian parliament, so it would not be a surprise if we found conservative bills proposed by men.

The application of social policies over time can provide better living conditions for the population in general, improving social indicators, especially for underrepresented women. It is only enough to put them on an equal footing with men, with there being necessary and sufficient conditions for them to be inserted in the reality of the labor market and decision-making spaces such as the Chamber of Deputies.

The characteristic of a society that sees in the figure of women the necessary (and sometimes unique) attributes to carry out household chores and provide care for people, is still one of the main limiting factors for women’s participation in the labor market in order to reduce their occupations and direct them to accept less paid activities that will condition the lack of resources destined to their children and their development (when applicable), or even for their educational qualification.

In any case, women in decision-making positions, when elected representatives of the population in the Peoples House, have not been enough to resolve inequalities, even with the slight improvement in legislative participation but far from representing half of the Brazilian population and in a situation very far from the international reality.

Women must face the political challenge so that it is possible not only in terms of representation but also to guide and approve public policies that support the agenda of equity, access to opportunities, and protection for women.

We must be cautious in evaluating the results presented in this paper, where almost all the projects presented by women in gender and human rights have been classified as progressive. Brazilian society remains patriarchal and sexist.

Appendix

1) Bill 5466/2019: Establishes the Day of Indigenous Peoples.

Author: Joenia Wapichana - REDE/RR.

Justification: The transformation of “Indian Day” into “Indigenous Peoples Day” aims to highlight the cultural contributions of the native peoples of Brazil.

Classification: Progressive Project.

2) PL 6298/2019

Author: Elcione Barbalho - MDB/PA.

Justification: National Life Risk and Protection Form (Frida). Here we can see the deputy’s concern about advancing the existing legislation on the protection of women concerning the issue of violence. The efforts of researchers and other federal government bodies are concentrated on this project.

Classification: Progressive Project.

3) PL 548/2019

Author: Soraya Thronicke - PSL/MS.

Justification: Decides on the regulation of meetings in private buildings.

Classification: Neutral design.

4) PL 4968/2019

Authors: Marília Arraes - PT/PE; Nilto Tatto - PT/SP; Bohn Gass - PT/RS and others.

Justification: Institute the Institutes the Program for the Supply of Sanitary Pads in public schools. The justification is based on promoting the health of young school-age women who do not have the financial means to purchase sanitary napkins.

Classification: Progressive Project.

5) PL 1369/2019

Author: Leila Barros - PSB/DF.

Justification: The project deals with regulating the persecution of women by physical or electronic means. One can see here the concern with women’s physical and psychological integrity.

Classification: Progressive Project.

6) PL 123/2019

Author: Renata Abreu - PODEMOS/SP.

Justification: The project seeks a larger public budget for policies to combat violence against women.

Classification: Progressive Project.

7) PL 1619/2019 (Previous No.: PL 8599/2017)

Author: Geovania de Sá - PSDB/SC.

Justification: The project establishes the priority of women who suffer domestic violence to the vacancy for their children in early childhood education centers. We see here another concern for combating violence suffered by women.

Classification: Progressive Project.

8) PL 2721/2019

Authors: Paula Belmonte - Cidadania/DF; Idilvan Alencar - PDT/CE.

Justification: the project institutes the 2020-2021 Early Childhood biennium. The idea is to institute a series of actions aimed at improving the quality of life and education of children in the so-called early childhood. The project is justified based on scientific research.

Classification: Progressive Project.

9) PL 976/2019

Author: Flávia Morais - PDT/GO.

Justification: The project prioritizes the recording and investigating of crimes committed against women, especially those involving violence.

Classification: Progressive Project.

10) PL 2538/2019 (Previous No.: PL 3837/2015)

Author: Renata Abreu - PTN/SP.

Justification: The project makes it mandatory to record violence against women in medical records.

Classification: Progressive Project.

11) PL 2438/2019 (Previous No.: PL 9691/2018)

Authors: Rafael Motta - PSB/RN; Mariana Carvalho - PSDB/RO.

Justification: Establishes that those who caused harm through sexual or psychological violence compensate the SUS - Unified Health System.

Classification: Progressive Project.

12) PL 2113/2019 (Previous number: bill 7720/2017)

Author: Laura Carneiro - PMDB/RJ.

Justification: It deals with reconstructive plastic surgery of the breasts.

Classification: Progressive Project.

13) PL 2466/2019

Author: Leandre - PV/PR.

Justification: The project institutes the May Orange campaign, to be held in May each year, throughout the national territory, with effective actions to combat abuse and sexual exploitation of children and adolescents.

Classification: Progressive Project.

14) PL 2099/2019 (Previous No.: PL 4509/2016)

Authors: Laura Carneiro - PMDB/RJ; Maria do Rosário - PT/RS.

Justification: Deals with the National Registry of Missing Children and Adolescents.

Classification: Progressive Project.

15) PL 3820/2019 (Previous No.: PL 1710/2015)

Author: Tia Eron - PRB/BA.

Justification: The project Provides for the development policy and support for the activities of women fishermen.

Classification: Progressive Project.

16) PL 1142/2020

Authors: Professora Rosa Neide - PT/MT; José Guimarães - PT/CE; Camilo Capiberibe - PSB/AP and others.

Justification: The project provides social protection measures to prevent the contagion and spread of Covid-19 in indigenous territories.

Classification: Progressive Project.

17) PL 3855/2020

Author: Carla Dickson - PROS/RN.

Justification: The project establishes nationwide August Lilac as a month of protection for women, aimed at raising awareness for the end of violence against women.

Classification: Progressive Project.

18) PL 5307/2020

Author: Mara Gabrilli - PSDB/SP.

Justification: Dedicated to actions in favor of actions and services of the National Support Program for Oncology Care (Pronon) and the National Support Program for Health Care for Persons with Disabilities (Pronas/PCD).

Classification: Progressive Project.

19) PL 5149/2020

Author: Mara Gabrilli - PSDB/SP.

Justification: The project aims to extend tax incentives for the purchase of cars by deaf people.

Classification: Progressive Project.

20) PL 5096/2020

Authors: Lídice da Mata - PSB/BA; Marcelo Nilo - PSB/BA; Vilson da Fetaemg - PSB/MG and others.

Justification: The bill alters the procedures for prosecuting sexual harassment.

Classification: Progressive Project.

21) PL 4287/2020

Author: Margarete Coelho - PP/PI.

Justification: The project aims to make the National Plan for Preventing and Combating Violence against Women an instrument for implementing the National Policy for Public Security and Social Defense (PNSPDS).

Classification: Progressive Project.

22) PL 1291/2020

Authors: Maria do Rosário - PT/RS; Professora Rosa Neide - PT/MT; Margarida Salomão - PT/MG and others.

Justification: The project seeks to regulate the situation of domestic violence during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Classification: Progressive Project.

23) PL 5091/2020

Authors: Soraya Santos - PL/RJ; Flávia Arruda - PL/DF; Margarete Coelho - PP/PI and others.

Justification: The project aims to typify the crime of institutional violence against women.

Classification: Progressive Project.

24) PL 3932/2020

Authors: Perpétua Almeida - PCdoB/AC; Jandira Feghali - PCdoB/RJ; Professora Marcivania - PCdoB/AP and others.

Justification: Determines the removal from face-to-face work of pregnant workers while the COVID-19 pandemic persists.

Classification: Progressive Project.

25) PL 5043/2020

Authors: Dagoberto Nogueira - PDT/MS; General Peternelli - PSL/SP; Dra. Soraya Manato - PSL/ES and others.

Justification: intends to expand medical examinations of newborns.

Classification: Progressive Project.

26) Bill 2136/2020

Authors: Célio Studart - PV/CE; Luisa Canziani - PTB/PR; Celso Sabino - PSDB/PA.

Justification: Provides video calls related to patients hospitalized in health services.

Classification: Progressive Project.

27) PL 827/2020

Authors: André Janones - AVANTE/MG; Natália Bonavides - PT/RN; Professora Rosa Neide - PT/MT.

Justification: Suspends for 90 (ninety) days due to the COVID-19 Pandemic, the execution of eviction orders for leases of residential and commercial properties and takes other measures.

Classification: Progressive Project.

28) PL 4513/2020

Author: Angela Amin - PP/SC.

Justification: Institutes the National Digital Education Policy.

Classification: Progressive Project.

29) PL 3477/2020

Authors: Idilvan Alencar - PDT/CE; Danilo Cabral - PSB/PE; Professora Dorinha Seabra Rezende - DEM/TO and others.

Justification: The project guarantees internet access, for educational purposes, to students and teachers of public basic education.

Classification: Progressive Project.

30) PL 741/2021

Authors: Margarete Coelho - PP/PI; Soraya Santos - PL/RJ; Greyce Elias - AVANTE/MG and others.

Justification: The project aims to provide measures to combat violence against women and creates the Cooperation Program “Red Sign Against Domestic Violence”.

Classification: Progressive Project.

31) PL 1360/2021

Authors: Alê Silva - PSL/MG; Carla Zambelli - PSL/SP; Jaqueline Cassol - PP/RO.

Justification: Amends the Penal Code to increase the penalties for infanticide, abandonment of the incapable and mistreatment, imputing the same penalties to those who, knowing the fact, fail to do so, and create the crime of infanticide outside the puerperal period.

Classification: Progressive Project.

32) PL 545/2022 (Previous No.: PLS 329/2018)

Author: Ana Amélia - PP/RS

Justification: Deals with the collection of resources by charitable social assistance entities through capitalization bonds.

Classification: Progressive Project.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this paper.

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