I thought it was mine..
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I thought it was mine..

A set of investigations from Federal Police of Brazil still in progress is examining a scheme of money laundering that has moved up to R$ 20 billion in bribes, something around US$ 6.4 billion - Lava Jato operation, which began In March 2014 and already has more than 100 people arrested and convicted. The investigation finds crimes of corruption, money laundering, fraudulent management, obstruction of justice, fraudulent exchange operation, receiving undue advantage and criminal organization. The Federal Public Prosecutor recently denounced a former state governor and another 19 people per cartel and fraud at bids. In addition to the political repercussions also in the economy we felt a crisis in which it contracted by about 4.5% by the end of 2015, and we could perceive in September 2016 a rate of unemployment that reached almost 12%, getting 12 million of Brazilians.

History reminds us that before the 20th century the US already had the largest oil industry in the world, Rockefeller’s Standard, Gulf Oil Co by Andres Mellon, former Treasury Secretary and former US Ambassador to London - World expansion of the trust, and Texaco, associated with Casa Morgan that grew because of its political and financial ties (GALARZA apud VILARINO, 2010). Petroleum related case are evidenced here, but factors related to the formation of trusts and cartels are extrapolated to other areas of infrastructure, such as electric power, which arise in the context of a process that is part of the acceleration and development of the capitalist modes of production in Brazil and in the world, the electric industry is already born characterized by a hegemonic and centralizing foundation in which the use of electricity on a large scale provoked a complete transformation of modes of production in the history of humanity in a never previously imagined (GALINDO et al, 2006). Every power corrupts, the greater the power, the greater the corruption, says the adage.

While facts like those, point out in the eyes, it is not known today that man jumps about good social and economic behavior. After the Industrial Revolution and the so-called Economic Liberalism in the 19th Century, the State began to play a more connected role in the arbitration of economic relations, consolidating its juridical performance after World War II, approaching the position defended by Adam Smith of Let the law of supply and demand govern the markets. We note, however, that by their own vocation, corporations always increasingly focus their efforts on expanding their interests, sometimes in a less lawful manner, such as by buying privileges of political power or by the force of their capital, forming monopolies in the sale of goods or obtaining their material means of production, making the market almost hermetic (WEBER apud BAGNOLI, 2006). The line that separates an attitude in search of a better position in the market of free competition and the act that in itself comes to be classified as criminal, does not always seem very clearly delineated to the holders of the economic power.

But what is the real logic that runs this gear in this movement? The dominance of these large conglomerates was constituted by an increase in the market share developed in parallel with the reduction of costs and their interventions in the establishment of the prices of their products, imposing to the final consumer the consequent burden of an economy based on the elimination of direct competitors. This is the final meaning of this market logic: "when the dominant position is won, nothing else can interpose directly between stipulated prices and unlimited profits" (GALINDO et al, 2006), in which such a model of capitalism when practiced in its extreme modality political, social, economic, environmental and cultural costs, and has an impact on the health of the population, as in the case of drug patents, in education when the right to good education is not fully guaranteed by the State, in the pocket of consumers who exorbitant interest rates as in the case of those applied in Brazil, and even in the case of high rent prices and real estate in a market of scarcity that is dominated by private speculative agents besides the difficulty in obtaining credit, a scenario that observes the rule of Paretto where 80% of the corporate world is controlled by 737 groups and 147 groups control 40% of this nucleus, (BERRÓN and GONZALES, 2016). We see here the darker side of the coin of the income distribution, in the capitalist system that, however, would say the economist and diplomat Roberto Campos, compared to the socialist system is worse in its intention but is better in its accomplishment.

Our faith in freedom does not rest on the foreseeable results in particular circumstances but on the belief that it will, on balance, release more forces for the good than for the bad ― Friedrich A. Hayek

Liberty is a universal right however like Herbert Spencer could say, One's freedom ends when the freedom of another begins. In the history of struggles against abusive accumulation we find two main theoretical currents, the neoclassical of Chicago and the ordo-liberal of Freiburg. Chicago's antitrust system primarily seeks efficiency, not aiming for the monopolies themselves if they target the interest of consumers by bringing greater production capacity at a lower cost. It does not concern itself here with the protection of competition, but mainly with the protection of the immediate interests of the consumer. On the other hand, the Freiburg School reads the neoclassical ones having two main critics: the concept of well-being, which the monopoly could bring benefits to the final receivers only immediately, but the consequences could be much worse, as the concentration of political power and In the hands of a small part of society; It is also different from the criticism made regarding the concept of competition, where the system alone would present solutions to its problems, despite its unpredictability (STARKE, 2009). The first legislative text to be directed to the competitive law in Brazil was the Federal Constitution of 1934, which he named economic liberty as a constitutional principle. The Administrative Council for Economic Defense (CADE) is a Brazilian federal authority linked to the Ministry of Justice, oriented to the objective of guiding, supervising, preventing and investigating abuses of economic power, created by Law 4,137 of September 10, 1962, Until 1991 practically inactive, as an instrument of the State in actions to combat crime against the popular economy and the shortage of essential products, Law No. 8,884, dated June 11, 1994, repealed the previous law and transformed CADE into A federal agency linked to the Ministry of Justice. Becoming aware of the structural situation with the oligopolized, cartelized and monopolized characteristic of markets, even if it is considered unlikely that the law of repression will be effectively applied to the abuse of economic power in all its extension is important (NAVARRETE, 2013), because as Einstein said, The world is a dangerous place to live, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who observe and let evil happen. That's yours, but it's mine too ...


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