INFRAPOLITICS OF MANUFACTURED SCARCITY Empirical research of an informal settlement in Sao Paulo, Cape Verde.

I would like to share short research that took place while I was learning about Analyzing Water Use Practices - Institutional Analysis In IHE- Delft.

The conceptual framework used:

Manufactured scarcity

Mehta (2001) argued that scarcity is both a biophysical phenomenon and a powerful discursive construct. The understanding of water scarcity in a widespread understanding tends to be simplistic and direct attention to the lack of water supply rather than sociopolitical considerations. In this sense, it becomes pertinent to analyze this concept using Sao Paulo's Settlement; once there is an explicit consensus found from interviews, the raining pattern is dwindling. However, they think the scarcity is being produced by water company and those with enough power relations with the state. For policymakers, images of dwindling rainfall and increasing drought serve to legitimize the practices used for water connection at landless household families. One example is the state announcement of a water crisis emergency in 2018- 2019. Large industries were not affected at all. Only the household with less power and agency to contest the water connection and consequently its quantity was the most affected.

Infrapolitics

I use the concept of infrapolitics inspired by Anand (2011) to analyze Sao Paulo's case, an informal settlement in the city of Praia, to show how the relationship of infrastructure and politics shapes the practice of establishing in-house water connections. The politics of watersupply infrastructure cannot be understood separately from the infrastructure of Sao Paulo’s politics. Residents of the informal settlement consider leveraging their votes for water connection to be a necessary evil. For example, Fatima, a resident of Sao Paulo said, “I know they are here to manipulate us, but what else we can do, take it or stay out of the list of the beneficiaries.”In a continuous trying to have access to water, they exert their power on the infrastructures as landless people by manipulating the neighbours water connections once the Water exceeds politics or any other control. They negotiate with illegal water trucks to keep the water in their pots. Meanwhile, the water organization keeps the main pipes closed, denying the water connection to them. In parallel, the infrastructures of politics are being mobilized during the electoral campaign. They [politicians and focal points] decide to whom, where, and when the water connection should be placed and functioning. For example, in the informal settlement under this analysis, even though they had more than two (2) years with the main pipe passing nearby, they never got in-house connections. However, with the election period, the government is financing the water extension network in this settlement. Even though it includes only 100 families, the criteria used to choose who will benefit and who will not are questionable.

Introduction

My mother was the first woman to move to this hill. She decided not to live on rent anymore but construct her own house. Our family went through penury of water 20 years ago, but now I am optimistic about the government project contemplating 100 families with in-house connections. Ely Community leader SP

I decided to do my online fieldwork, beginning to talk with the community leader, coinciding that they were the first family moving to that hill. She explains that her mission is to work for the settlement her mother initiated. After many attempts to connect stable, I asked her to tell me about the water connection system in Sao Paulo. As an active community leader, which I met before on other occasions, she instantly talks. She seems to know a lot related to land distribution procedures and infrastructure connections. What triggered my attention was not the problem of access to the road, electricity, but the water connection problem, which has been the same for more than twenty (20) years living in the settlement. In a full stop she Ely said: “We simply can not get access to water connection.” This essay will analyze an informal settlement called Sao Paulo in the central City of Praia. I want to show how landless people's historical power relations can shape the inequalities in water connection practices. The concern is around the criteria used by water companies to decide how water flows and who receives it, based on their limit of network and water scarcity arguments. Interestingly, I found that water organizations and policymakers manufacture water scarcity. With this essay, I intend to captiously reflect on the understanding of water company (Ads) on water scarcity and how the Sao Paulo settlement perceives it. I hope this work will allow a conversation with my colleagues to discuss the history's entanglement with the socio-political context relation in how it shapes the water connection practice in Sao Paulo. The institution I chose to analyze is water connection practices because it is close to my heart and my family's history in an informal settlement. Therefore, through conceptual analysis, I will describe Sao Paulo's experience as an informal settlement situated on a hill. Their main distribution reservoir to neighbor zones is located just above them even though the water passes by. To minimize this situation Aguas de Santiago (AdS), under the argument of human rights access to water, made available one (1) mobile fountain (9 ton/per), which supplies the entire area in a fast-growing settlement. This study case raises the following question: - What makes and who benefits from the infrapolitics of manufacturing water scarcity in Sao Paulo Settlement? Hereafter I will introduce infrapolitics and manufactured scarcity as a lens to analyze how the water connections practices shape inequalities using the conceptual framework of Political Ecology. The first part of this essay will present the conceptual framework to answer the research question, who benefits from the infrapolitics of manufactured scarcity. I will engage with the concepts for Sao Paulo's analysis on how the relation of the infrastructure of politics and politics of infrastructure critically engages with historical power relations shaping water connections practices on Sao Paulo informal settlement. Later on, I will connect the infrastructure of politics shaping the water connection practices with politics and vice-versa. Finally, I draw the main conclusion, arguing that the water utility negligence in providing Sao Paulo’s residents with in-house water connections is not a result of unaffordability or scarcity. It is dictated by the social classes difference between the political elite and Sao Paulo's residents

Analysis

Manufacturing water scarcity in São Paulo, Praia – A history of (dis)connections.

I don't think water is scarce, I believe it is about bad distribution and maintenance, from my house I always see water leaking as a flood while we are waiting for the inhouse connection. On VIP zones the water is constantly flowing, and Trindade is drinking all our water. Fatima, Resident SP Mehta (2001) argued that scarcity is both a biophysical phenomenon and a powerful discursive construct. The understanding of water scarcity in a widespread understanding tends to be simplistic and directs attention to the lack of water supply to natural forces rather than socio-political considerations. Indeed, Cape Verde is a scarce water country, with natural limitations in potable water availability and posing challenges to the distribution due to the morphology of the land. During interviews, the Ads company responsible for water distributions explains in a technocrat way how the water connections should be in terms of location, type of e.g., reservoir, inhouse connections, or fountain. Also, they [AdS] use explanations informed by the scarce rain in time and space. The majority of the interviewees from resource management emphasized that the critical factor drawing the water distribution in terms of coverage access and quantity is the climate characteristic and geographical positioning as the primary cause. The management issue comes as an afterthought. On the other hand, the Sao Paulo community's perspective about water availability is related to lousy distribution. Metha (2011) highlights that the distribution benefits the powerful actors in a construct scarcity while the poor's needs in water-limited areas are neglected. The limited local management capacity to break down the water losses by category, deal with actual consumption and measured consumption, and understand the real hidden circuits of water distribution and the actual state of distribution networks legitimizes the widespread concept of water scarcity among water managers. This somehow alleviates the pressure on decision-makers responsible on the field, leading to conform with the scenario we have now (deal with what you have or do not have). Interestingly, some people do not have enough agency to contest the situation; therefore, they survive with the service and quantity of water received. On the other hand, there is another group equally aware of water scarcity. However, they have enough agency and power to mobilize the water quantity and even choose its infrastructure. The poor can get water from a small tank which the water company made available in their settlement where one (1) bucket of 25 L cost 20 $CV, corresponding to 2 euros. There are also individual water trucks that sell water, of which one (1) ton of water costs 1000 ECV$ equivalent to 10 euros. Those trucks buy the water in a zone with abundant spring water called Trindade, from catholic church property. The church has licensed to explore the spring. Fatima, who lives with her older mother, said in a disappointing pitch: There is a big company exploring the wells for bottling water and producing other types of drinks in that same zone. 

Figure 1- The mobile fountain to supply Sao Paulo Settlement

While talking with her, she said: “Now there is this project to contemplate families with connections. It includes only 100 people for the first phase, but I doubt that they will continue with the connections after the election”. Her perception of water scarcity is related to distribution issues and lack of management on Water loss. Nevertheless, the problem of mismanagement only affects most informal settlements. On VIP zones, the water is constantly flowing, and the Trindade never stops function because of water

Shaping water connections practices: a relational history of water supply 

Before the country's independence, Cape Verde was under the Portuguese colony from 1460 to 1975. The first place to be civilized is Cidade Velha. The settling conditions were good due to the abundance of water from the river Ribeira Grande, which gave it an advantage over Santiago's other settlement. Praia Maria, today called Praia, developed, in the concave of the bay, 30 meters above sea level. It was a colonial-style city entirely Portuguese, where the fountain was always constructed to harvest water from rain. From the XVIII century, the city experiment's rapid development brought a clear affirmation of noble buildings in Praia. At that time, social class was distinguished by the type of house: ground floor, known as a famous house, townhouse known by lord houses, and house covered with straw representing low-income families. The low-income areas were responsible for taking care of work plantations as servants. Pina (2009) described the house structures showing improper as a sign of poor health condition. Those who could not afford to build a reservoir, then they mainly suffered from born water disease. Henrique Teixeira de Sousa (1998) shows that through these residences, it is possible to know the Cape Verdean people's daily experience, in which spaces had social functions and segregationism. With the advent of national independence in 1975, the City of Praia experienced a demographic explosion due to a strong migratory movement from the rest of the country's islands and municipalities towards the capital. The genesis of illegal settlement, the phenomenon of spontaneous/clandestine constructions, is closely related to the deficit of public authorities to produce urban soil to cope with population growth. This short history description of how the old city was developed and how the social class managed to get water by using the economic power differentiated the absence of it on the poor, unable to have a fountain. It is essential to observe that nowadays the state invests in water development projects to alleviate the water "scarcity." Even though there is incoherency between the water company and Municipality, which is continuously negligent, to informal settlement residents land right which later excludes them from water, electricity, roads, etc. The history of old Praia Maria is continuing to shape the new Praia, empowering more who have the agency to contest and construct their "fountain" [connection] and ignore the poor who cannot afford to build a fountain [connection]. Aguas de Santiago, nowadays, is responsible for distributing water and maintaining the water infrastructures at Santiago Island to reach an equilibrium among social rights and commercial ideas. AdS buy water and resell it to the customers. I want to address the tension created so far in this “negotiation”, where the water price will be very high for those who live off-grid, which corresponds to 80 % of Praia City. Only 20% of the urban soil is inserted in the grid layout of the "Formal city." Thus, water connections practices seem to follow a certain pattern since the colonial times, where social history benefits those in advantageous positions, hierarch in the society, and the social class division seems to coexist with inequalities. Therefore, water organizations follow the state's stipulated regulation concerning the water connection practices on 80% of the informal settlement in the city, supplying them either by a fountain or car trucks.

The infrastructure of politics: The story of the pipe

Now it's the electoral campaign, and they are in a rush to finalize the work, thinking they will win our votes. I feel like they are not corresponding with the demand; there are open cables everywhere. Beyond this, I am very happy because I was included on the list. But at the same time I am thinking about others who still need to buy water 2, 3 x in a week. Fatima SP

Because they can not merely get access to a water connection, I started to ask her how they get the water. Fatima, who lives with her old mother, started to tell me how water access evolved till now, with Aguas de Santiago. She enumerates three (3) different phases. First, the settlement put their barrel on the bottom’s hills, and the water trucks fill, and then they [women] carry the water up to the hill. Who was benefiting from this setup was who lived close to the water point collection. Others living far manages to find favour on the neighbours or wait for when the pipes break. The residents greatly rely upon the extra water of the water system. Next phase, Ads change the arrangement of getting water access, which the mobile fountain was introduced. The name itself should be a mobile fountain to reach everyone; however, according to its residents, it's static. All residents need to come to the fountain, where two women vendors are responsible for selling water during a certain period. The water’s quality is often questionable when it comes brown. The settlement voice is slowly heard when they critique this water quality issue. During the conversation, she incorporates the language of lack of water entitlement and differentiated treatment among informal settlements imposed by state policies. Brito M&O affirmed that Sao Paulo water access had improved by far compared to other informal settlements. The gap between what the technocrat city council are supposed to do and what they actually do, reveals the old city of Praia Maria with a clear social class treatment, and discrimination. If there is a circumscribed area that allows people to live in a human condition, what makes the politician not make it happen? The invisible fences that the city council imposes to get access to land automatically exclude the informal settlement from their rights. It is important to note how this arrangement structure gendered relations of access to water. There was no mention of men playing water caters' role from the online fieldwork except by selling illegal water. Women play a central role in the collection, management, and supply of water in Sao Paulo. They are more severely impacted by the societal effects of these water connections arrangements than men. Furthermore, not only women are associated with catering water but children. She added something that I could not leave it out from this narration: It is very sad for me, I see those kids living the same thing as I did 20 years ago. Waiting long time for water, instead of studying… These kids are there waiting for water Sima grilo. I struggled to translate what she meant with sima grilo? I 'don't know if she meant that these kids were looking desperate to have some water, as (grilo) cricket want to find cracks in the dry season or because they were encroached shoving each other to fill their bucket. Sao Paulo is one of the few exceptions of informal settlements having the main pipes installed nearby their settlement, but for some reason, it is closed for them not to access water. One of the reasons mentioned is to avoid illegal connections, as Solange explained to me during our conversation. Who decides where and who gets water connection was explained by the M&O Director of Ads S.A. There are criteria used to select the location of the infrastructure, according to the urbanization plan (PDM and PDU), location schemes, population served, and orography. As water exceeds politics and Ads control, it leaks, evaporates, and everyone can have access to it due to its materiality. The settlement can neither follow the legality in water connection nor be part of the formal city grid, resting no other choice other than getting water in “illegal” terms.Swyngedow (1997) argues that States attempt to domesticate water to follow the expansion of the urban frontiers needs to be pushed outward in search of new alternatives of water sources because the city's growth could only be sustained first by moving nature’s frontier and then setting the game rules to its access. As Sao Paulo residents feel invisible and as their main pipe is hidden, they manipulate the neighbor's water connections to keep the water in their pots. They are getting water in diverse ways: from the same pipe that is constantly breaking because of high pressure on the system. From illegal water trucks bought at spring that a church explores. When those "compas" meaning buddy, are not available, they are others water trucks hovering over the area selling water for a higher price. Some prefer to buy in the neighborhood due to the distance to walk to the mobile fountain. I need to note here that those neighbors selling water use the illegal connection to have their revenue. While this bustle is happening, water is wasted in the tubes because of excessive pressure. Thus, neglecting the inhouse connections to the settlement under the argument that the community is getting access from the water fountain has little relation to reality, the care for gendered social structure, or water quantity. The water utility does not consider (i) the large number of domestic connections that are officially inactive but is illegally reactivated by their owners; (ii) the water sold to neighbors or people with illegal connection; (iii) the fact that the settlement with active service connections not always receive water from the public network but also get water from water vendors.

Politics of infrastructure: The vote story 

Ads water supply company started operating in 2015 to substitute the previous water and electricity supply, ELECTRA. This institutional arrangement was made to balance commercial ideas with social rights. The Intermittent character of water supply at the city of Praia is severe, some hours a day in the best cases to most of the zones, except for important zones, such as Prainha, Achada Sao Antonio, Plateau, and Palmarejo Baixo. For a long time, the investment of household connections has been made only in locations currently provided with a water distribution network, mainly the “formal urban’’ excluding the informal settlements. Others settlement so-called spontaneous houses, they have a special relationship with national parties. In a biparty system, the informal settlement needs to be careful by demonstrating their party identity because the preferences shift as the party changes. When the electoral periods reach, they seek to support whosoever in power. By supporting them, these individuals enter the system (dentu sistema) to have facilitation on getting water connections, stables jobs, or aid to buy material for house construction. Therefore, they maintain hope during the electoral campaign, where surprises always happen. The irony is that one of the central points of the National Strategic Plan for Water and Sanitation (PLENAS) is to promote improved water and sanitation conditions that reduce disparities in access to water and sanitation among different communities. It seems to happen only during electoral periods. The fieldwork coincided with the Presidential electoral campaign. Therefore, according to the community leader, the politics of infrastructure mobilized their strategies to manipulate thirsty minds. Those who have a good connection with the parties or actively participate in community works benefit from the beneficiaries list.

These is small surprises we have to catch votes from them (Paulo).

I realized that the power relations among Sao Paulo settlement and the state, the one who decides when and where to divert water and how many waters should be available, does not happen just in one direction. The politicians manipulate the vote, and the settlement reacts back. Ely, in the way of confection, she said:

even though I am the community leader, but these politicians passed over me, to distribute the form to the beneficiaries using another girl who belongs to their party, to manipulate minds people, but you know, I 'don't even care about this, as long we are having the water connection because after all, we have water and we can do connect to it…

Thus, the water utility's negligence in providing Sao Paulo’s residents with in-house water connections is not a result of unaffordability or scarcity. In fact, it is dictated by the difference in the social classes between the political elite and the residents of Sao Paulo. Water connection practices are designed to maintain dis (connection) of a specific group from the centralized water supply system. This creates a hostage-like scenario wherein water access promises can be mobilized as a political tool during elections.

Main messages

Main messages: Water organizations' state policies decide where and to whom water flows create binaries on regulation to water connection, which does not analyze water scarcity beyond natural explanations. Instead, the water connection is done for those who belong to the legal urban soil. In contrast, those who are off to the urban formal grid are not qualified to get water connection, those settlements wait for each electoral period to negotiate their votes. The manufactured water scarcity is created by how water connection practices are done and dictated by the difference in the social classes between the political elite and the residents of Sao Paulo. Water connection practices are designed to maintain dis (connection) of a specific groups from the centralized water supply system. This creates a hostage-like scenario wherein water access promises can be mobilized as a political tool during elections. Important to critically reflect water scarcity as a complex phenomenon that the social-political relation might be crucial to include when analyzing scarcity due to natural forces.