The Marginalization of Indian Muslims: A Chomskyan Analysis Through Agenda Setting, Framing, Priming, and Filtering

The Marginalization of Indian Muslims: A Chomskyan Analysis Through Agenda Setting, Framing, Priming, and Filtering

Chomskyan Framework: Manufacturing Consent

Noam Chomsky’s seminal work, Manufacturing Consent, explains how media often aligns with the interests of powerful elites, shaping public opinion to maintain societal hierarchies. In the Indian context, this dynamic becomes evident in the portrayal of Indian Muslims. The media operates as a tool for manufacturing consent by systematically marginalizing minority voices and legitimizing dominant ideologies, particularly those aligned with majoritarian nationalism.

Through agenda-setting, framing, priming, and filtering, the media crafts a narrative that reinforces stereotypes about Indian Muslims, creating an environment of exclusion and suspicion.

Agenda Setting: Shaping Public Focus

Agenda-setting refers to the media's ability to influence what the public perceives as important. By prioritizing specific stories and ignoring others, media outlets can skew public attention toward or away from particular issues.

In the context of Indian Muslims, agenda-setting often focuses disproportionately on topics like terrorism, religious practices, and communal violence, while sidelining issues such as poverty, education, or employment challenges. For instance, after the 2020 Delhi riots, media coverage largely centered on clashes and narratives that painted Muslim protestors against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) as violent agitators. Coverage overlooked systemic issues like police inaction and the destruction of Muslim properties, steering public attention away from the root causes of the unrest (Singh, 2021).

Chomsky’s principle of agenda-setting is evident here as media narratives favor the state’s position, delegitimizing dissent and suppressing alternative viewpoints that challenge state power.

 Framing: Constructing the Narrative

Framing refers to how media outlets present information, influencing how audiences interpret events. Indian Muslims are often framed as "the other" through narratives that emphasize conflict, backwardness, or anti-national sentiments.

For example, debates surrounding the ban on triple talaq in 2019 were framed as a women’s rights issue, with the Muslim community portrayed as regressive and patriarchal. This framing largely ignored the diversity of opinion within the community and failed to address the broader context of gender issues across religious groups (Kumar, 2020). The selective emphasis on Muslims reinforced stereotypes and created a polarizing narrative that alienated the community.

Similarly, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Tablighi Jamaat congregation was widely reported as a "super-spreader event," with media outlets amplifying terms like "Corona Jihad." This framing contributed to a surge in hate speech and Islamophobic incidents, even though similar gatherings by other communities received little attention or criticism (Ali, 2020).

Chomsky’s assertion that media serves elite interests becomes evident in such framing. By portraying Muslims negatively, the media helps reinforce majoritarian nationalism, aligning with the interests of political elites who benefit from divisive narratives.

 Priming: Influencing Public Perceptions

Priming occurs when repeated exposure to certain narratives shapes how audiences evaluate issues and groups. Media coverage that consistently associates Muslims with violence, terrorism, or communal tensions primes audiences to view the community through a negative lens.

The portrayal of Muslims in Bollywood films and mainstream news plays a significant role in this regard. Muslims are frequently depicted as villains or as part of extremist groups. For instance, in news coverage of terror attacks, suspects’ Muslim identities are often highlighted, even before investigations are complete. This priming creates a cognitive bias in viewers, leading them to associate Islam with violence and extremism (Chatterjee, 2019).

Chomsky’s analysis of propaganda as a tool to condition public opinion is illustrated here. By repeatedly priming the public to view Muslims negatively, media narratives manufacture societal consent for discriminatory policies and practices.

Filtering: Silencing Dissenting Voices

Filtering, akin to gatekeeping, involves the omission of stories or perspectives that challenge dominant narratives. This process effectively silences dissenting voices and reinforces the status quo.

For example, protests against the CAA and National Register of Citizens (NRC) saw widespread participation from Muslims, who argued that these policies were discriminatory. While the protests were initially covered, media focus soon shifted to isolated incidents of violence or vandalism, overshadowing the legitimate concerns of protestors. The narrative filtered out stories of peaceful demonstrations led by Muslim women at Shaheen Bagh, minimizing their agency and diluting their message (Raza, 2018).

In addition, media rarely highlights success stories or positive contributions of Indian Muslims, such as their roles in arts, sports, or public service. By filtering out such narratives, media perpetuates a one-dimensional view of the community, reducing them to subjects of controversy or conflict.

Chomsky’s filtering mechanism demonstrates how corporate ownership and political influence ensure that dissenting narratives, such as those highlighting systemic discrimination against Muslims, are excluded from mainstream discourse.

 Real-World Impact

The media’s agenda-setting, framing, priming, and filtering practices have real-world consequences:

  1. Normalization of Prejudice: Repeated negative portrayals reinforce societal biases, leading to the normalization of Islamophobia.
  2. Policy Alienation: Marginalized communities are excluded from policymaking processes as their concerns are either misrepresented or ignored.
  3. Erosion of Social Cohesion: Polarizing narratives deepen divisions between communities, undermining social harmony.

For instance, following the media's framing of the CAA protests, many Muslim activists faced arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention, with little media scrutiny or public outrage. This lack of accountability further disempowers the community.

 Toward Responsible Media Practices

To foster equitable representation, Indian media must adopt more ethical and inclusive practices:

  1. Diverse Newsrooms: Increasing Muslim representation among journalists and editors to bring diverse perspectives.
  2. Balanced Narratives: Providing fair coverage of issues affecting Muslims, avoiding sensationalism or one-sided framing.
  3. Public Accountability: Strengthening oversight mechanisms to address media biases and ensure ethical reporting.

 Conclusion

The marginalization of Indian Muslims is perpetuated by media practices that prioritize sensationalism and align with dominant ideologies. By examining these practices through the lens of Chomsky’s media theory and the concepts of agenda-setting, framing, priming, and filtering, it becomes evident how deeply entrenched biases influence public perceptions and policies. For Indian media to uphold its democratic role, it must actively work toward fair and inclusive storytelling.


References

  • Ali, S. (2020). Media and communal violence: Selective narratives in the Indian context. Journal of South Asian Studies, 45(3), 321–340.
  • Chatterjee, P. (2019). Framing Muslims: Media bias and representation in India. Indian Media Studies Journal, 12(2), 45–60.
  • Chomsky, N., & Herman, E. (1988). Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon Books.
  • Kumar, R. (2020). The politics of representation: Muslims in Indian media. Economic and Political Weekly, 55(5), 22–28.
  • Raza, A. (2018). Islamophobia in Indian media: An analysis of news framing and biases. International Journal of Communication Studies, 34(7), 118–135.
  • Singh, S. (2021). The Delhi riots: Media narratives and the politics of blame. Asian Journal of Media Studies, 29(4), 213–230.

 

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