The Israeli High Court of Justice's decision to annul the longstanding exemption of ultra-Orthodox Israelis from military service is not merely a legal ruling; it is a transformative moment in Israel's history. For 76 years, since the founding of the state, this exemption has been a point of intense debate, symbolizing a broader struggle over the balance between religious freedom and civic duty.
The court's verdict now sets Israel on a path toward a more equitable sharing of the national burden while asserting a clear message: No segment of society can sidestep military service based on religious grounds alone.
On the military front, the implications of the ruling are profound and come at a critical time. The government recently reversed on the duration of compulsory military service, restoring it to three years from the previously reduced term of two-and-a-half years. Reservists, who have borne a significant part of the military load since the monstrous Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas, are now being told to anticipate annual service of 30 to 40 days.
The burden of national defense, increasingly heavy, demands broad participation and the IDF is facing even greater challenges due to the ongoing conflicts with Hamas and Hezbollah. Israel requires more boots on the ground to ensure the security of its citizens and the stability of its borders. The inclusion of the ultra-Orthodox, or Haredim, in the ranks of the IDF could significantly alleviate these personnel shortages, filling critical gaps in Israel's defense strategy.
Nevertheless, we should not get overly excited by the ruling. It is important to remember that it will take a long time before all Haredi men start wearing olive military fatigues and begin participating in counter-terrorism operations in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip.
The first reason is because what the court decided is that the ruling can be applied gradually. As a first stage, it told the state to ensure an increase of 3,000 Haredi youth—out of over 60,000 who currently receive an exemption—alongside the 1,500 who already annually join the IDF.
To incentivize this, the court ordered the state to stop providing funding to yeshivas and Haredi institutions where students do not meet the quota.
While this decision is a financial blow to the Haredi sector, it will not be enough to get the community to follow the new rules. Earlier this week, a group of senior Haredi rabbis—including one notable nonagenarian—flew to the United States to raise money to fill the vacuum left by the government. Some media reports claimed that they have already raised upward of $60 million.
Politically speaking, while it is possible that the court ruling will push the ultra-Orthodox parties—Shas and United Torah Judaism—to bolt the coalition and vote with the opposition to disband the Knesset and force a new election, that doesn't seem to be the way things are going. These politicians understand that if there is a new election and a government is formed without them, they will pray for the day when they were only being asked to draft 3,000 youth a year.
If the ultra-Orthodox are not part of the coalition, a new government could decide to draft all Haredi youth. By remaining in the government, Haredi parties hold sway over the coming legislation and can try and dilute the court's decision.
More importantly, for change to really come, a top-down approach will not be enough. Haredim have long argued that the state does not want them to serve in the Israel Defense Forces, and that the military will not know how to accommodate their unique way of life.
To prove this wrong, the burden of proof will now move to the Israeli military, which will need to show that it can provide Haredim with the religious services they require—a higher certification of kosher food, a separation of women and men in units and bases, and specially allocated times for study and prayer beyond what already exists.
What Israelis need to remember though is that military service is only one element of the change that Israel needs.
Yes, we need more Haredim to serve in the IDF, especially as the country continues to wage war against Hamas and faces the possibility of a wider conflict with Hezbollah, but it will also need more Haredim—especially men—in the workforce. Haredi schools do not teach English, math or science and the employment prospects of haredi men are currently not great.
The court's decision signals progress, yet sustained efforts and new policies will be essential to realize the full potential of this historic shift. The court's landmark decision addresses part of this challenge. More work remains ahead.
Yaakov Katz is a senior fellow at JPPI, a global think tank for the Jewish people, and the author of Shadow Strike: Inside Israel's Secret Mission to Eliminate Syrian Nuclear Power and Weapon Wizards: How Israel Became a High-Tech Military Superpower.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
Uncommon Knowledge
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Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.
