The Man Whose Ideas Remain Africa’s Ideals

The European Union headquarters in Brussels does not have the statue of a known politician placed before it. It is not due to shyness for glorifying any individual who had contributed single-handedly towards the European unity project. It is the simple fact that no single person stands tall enough to be credited with the coming together of Europe for a common political and economic destiny. On the contrary, Africa had one such person.

When one approaches the new African Union headquarters in Adisa Ababa, Ethiopia, Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah’s statue stood alone in gold until 2019 when that of Haile Selassie I was added. Nkrumah was an outstanding figure and foremost promoter of Africa unity since the early days of independence, and even before. He had not only done so materially, but additionally produced enough literature to immortalise his ideas on the subject.

About two decades ago, the British Broadcasting Corporation, BBC conducted a survey to find out who Africans consider to be their ‘man of the millennium’. Majority selected Nkrumah, with Nelson Mandela and other great names falling behind. Among scholars of Africa's political history, there is a consensus that among his peers and even subsequent generations, Nkrumah stands tall in respect of Pan-Africanism and the liberation struggle on the continent.

While a solid image of the great leader stands in front of the building housing bureaucrats of the continental union, it is worth noting that the man it represents was disappointed when the organization was first formed in 1963. Yes, he wanted a union of Africa states. But no, not the kind of which was inaugurated in May 1963.

Vision for the Continent

Nkrumah wanted a real political, economic and security union for Africa. Having lived and schooled in the United States for about a decade, he admired the union of the different States that birthed a great nation. He had witnessed the triumph of an old colonial territory that had become arguably the most powerful country after the Second World War. He was impressed. He wanted same for Africa. According to him, it was either that way or we perish as individual states—he was right.

Politically, he had pushed for one Africa nation with a common sovereignty. By this, Africa was supposed to have one flag, a single national anthem, a single government (legislature, executive and Judiciary), a common foreign policy and a comprehensive political system that ensures the interest of the African. He believed that, for Africa to be on an equal footing with the rest of the world and pursue its interest, political union was necessary.

On the economic front, Nkrumah had been no less emphatic about the benefit of a common African economy to the African. Before Europe could seriously discuss a common currency for the European Union, the African thinker and politician had it on his list of important items for a continental economy of Africa. He held that the only way the abundant and rich resources of Africa can be useful to the people would be when they are placed under the management of a common economy. With that, the continent would be on the path towards industrialisation—an essential sector to absorb the growing population in productive employment.

He believed that individual economies of African states would continue to experience exploitation even after independence. An economic union would not only be a springboard to prosperity, but also, a safeguard against further exploitation that may emerge after independence. Goods and services should move freely across the artificial borders created by colonial powers to facilitate exploitation. Labour and capital would equally transcend borders. He was looking for the United States of Africa.

To give a political enterprise that vast and diverse the security it deserved, Nkrumah had proposed a continental standing army. In fact, he had believed that that would protect the union and further rid the continent of any vestiges or remnants of colonialism. At the time, it was obvious the colonial struggle was proving to be difficult in Southern Africa. Nkrumah had thought that a continental army was partly an answer to such recalcitrant colonialists.

Philosophically, Dr Nkrumah defined blackness and its uniqueness. He explained African originality and the uniqueness of the black race. He believed that the black man or woman, like all humans, is capable of managing his or her own affairs. His continental union and its future were fundamentally based on the peculiarities of the African. While he sought to adopt best practices from elsewhere, he held that African solutions should answer African problems.

Beyond the Abstract

Kwame Nkrumah was not an armchair theorist whose thoughts remained abstract. In Ghana where he had propelled the country to be the first south of the Sahara to gain independence, he had exhibited his will to make tangible many of his ideals. 

At the dawn of independence, he had famously declared that the “independence of Ghana [was] meaningless unless it was linked to the total liberation of the African continent". Consequently, he had literally ensured that the independence of many other African territories was facilitated. In fact, he had used significant resources at his disposal to sponsor the enterprise. One famous example is the Republic of Guinea. As a French colony, France had given Guinea an option for an early exit from the French Community or an arranged independence that keeps it firmly within the sphere of influence of Paris. In a referendum, the people had opted to leave early and away from French influence.

This singular act infuriated the French so much that they literally took away anything that was done by the colonial government away from the country. Drugs that had been brought in to run the health service were burned. Electric sockets were removed from walls, and some solid infrastructure pulled down. It took Prime Minister Nkrumah to salvage the situation. He gave Guinea £10 million to cushion the adverse effects of that unnecessary action by France. Guinea gained independence in 1958—two years before many French colonies had been given an arranged autonomy. Nkrumah further gave material support to other liberation struggles. He created a safe haven in Ghana for liberation fighters across the continent. A lot of such aid to the liberation struggle were covertly granted.

Economically, Nkrumah had made strenuous effort to transform the Ghanaian economy from colonial one built on resource exploitation to a modern one based on the needs of an independent country. He had espoused Import Substitution Industrialization as a development agenda necessary for building a self-sufficient economy. Thus, he had built hundreds of industries to produce those goods the local economy would otherwise import. Across Ghana, he had built factories that produced canned meat, fish, glass, shoes, tomato, beverages, sugar, tires, textiles, chemicals among others. Before that, he had utilized his charm on the international scene to pursue one of the most consequential economic diplomacies in Africa. He was able to secure funding for a massive hydro-electric dam in the country from the United States. He further ensured that Ghana got an aluminium smelter in an industrial town he had developed. President Kennedy had supported him on that.

Looking to the East of the ideological divide of the Cold War, he got the support of the Soviet Union to obtain a national shipping line for Ghana, the “Black Star Line”. He had further sought assistance from Eastern Europe for minerals and oil exploration. 

The shrewdness with his economic diplomacy was mainly as a result of his view of the world as an African. He had famously declared that he was not looking left, neither was he looking right; he looked forward. That was what exactly defined his stance in the Cold War politics that was to bedevil Africa. With Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Josip Tito of Yugoslavia, Gamal Nasser of Egypt and Sukarno of Indonesia, he had been a pioneer and brainchild of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).

He had observed the use of proxies by these great powers to advance their political interests. As a corollary, he thought that when developing countries came together to steer clear of such confrontations, their interest would be protected. Collectively, they could use their numbers in international fora to pursue issues that concerned their local populations. While many have argued that non-Alignment was not practical during Cold War, it had variably helped to avoid escalations in some instances during the war. For example, Nkrumah was on his way to Hanoi in February 1966 when he was overthrown back in Ghana. He had attempted to help bring peace to Vietnam and Asia.

The Rejection

In spite of his intellectual prowess, comprehension of Africa and practical competence he displayed in his own country, as of May 1963 many of his peers had opted for a continental organization that was nowhere close to his vision.

One thing was sure: many newly independent countries were just not willing to sacrifice their ‘infant’ sovereignties. They had long waited for independence and were, therefore, not willing to commit to any serious continental union. Of course, not all leaders towed that line. Sekou Toure, Modibo Keita of Guinea and Mali had shown real commitment to continental goals. Another group of people who could not reason with Nkrumah were countries who were so much attached to the apron strings of former colonial masters. There were two reasons that underscored the disposition of these states. One; they were comfortable with the security guarantees that were given to them by their masters in Europe. Two; they may have been given direct orders to frustrate the issue of Africa’s political union. Each of these became a disincentive for unity.

Another reason often given by anti-Nkrumahist was that he was dictatorial. At the time, some pointed to his reaction to the actions of opposition elements in Ghana as a case in point. However, these have been hasty conclusions from peers who would not support actual unity of Africa anyway. In Ghana, several attempts were made on Nkrumah’s life. The situation had become so rampant that, it threatened national security. On one occasion, a guard on duty in the office of the president had shot severally at the president and missed. He, however killed Aide de Camp. The Preventive Detention Act passed by parliament was, therefore, to mitigate the crisis. While the constitutionality of the Act is a subject of controversy, the situation that necessitated its passing cannot be overlooked.

The fact that the main players of Cold War politics were not interested in the political union of Africa greatly impeded it and, in some instances, sabotaged Nkrumah’s efforts. As of 1963, there were territories in Africa under the influence of Soviet Union or the United States of America. These were often territories these powers had heavily invested in and had wished to maintain their influence for various reasons. The situation meant that Nkrumah was unlikely to get a tacit approval from either side to effectively unite the continent.

Also significant were those who argued on intellectual lines. These were the gradualists led by leaders like Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. They believed that Nkrumah’s ideas were too radical and unworkable. The Casablanca group and Monrovia group had been created on these lines. A third group of moderates later emerged. Generally, however, not all members of these different groups had joined any of it based on a preferred approach towards the Union. Some had obviously joined to find a facade behind which real intentions could be hidden.

The Organization of African Unity (OAU) formed in 1963 was largely an assembly of heads of state and government, and a toothless bulldog. Subsequent events in Africa would vindicate Nkrumah.

The Status Quo

Currently, there is massive renaissance of Nkrumah's ideas across Africa. His election as the ‘man of the millennium’ has been a result of the realization that his ideas and thoughts as expressed and implemented, are what Africa needs for its development. The continent is still making efforts at ultimately using a common a currency.

Issues of terrorism and other conflicts have prompted some leaders to recall Nkrumah’s idea of a continental standing force. In the Sahel region of West Africa, forces sanctioned by international organizations and multilateral efforts have proven to be unsustainable in the fight against terrorism.

Earlier in 2002, the African Union (AU) had replaced the OAU as a successor organization. Among other things the rebranded organization was to focus on integration. The OAU did less on that. One of the aims in 2002 was to “[a]chieve greater unity and solidarity between African countries and their people". As an organization which predecessor was established in 1963, this was an admission of failure of OAU. Nkrumah had been vindicated in 2002.

Of significance, is the fact that the gradualists who had won the debate back in 1963 were wrong on their proposition that, the continent should start any idea of a political union with regional organizations. According to them, by forming such regional or sub-regional bodies, continental unity should be an orderly result.

They were wrong. Almost 60 years after the OAU, and decades after the creation of these sub-regional organizations, there has been mostly little or no progress. Where there has been some progress, recent years have seen the reversal of such gains. In the 1990s the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had taken steps to resolve conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Subsequently, the organization had pushed for, and achieved, some level of democratic governance in almost all member states. In the last couple of years, however, there has been a number of successful coups in three countries, and at least two unsuccessful ones in two other countries of Guinea-Bissau and Niger. In the Horn of Africa, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD has not been able to ensure stability in the region. States in the volatile region continue to be suspicious of each other. Kenya and Somalia are still not cooperating due to accusations of intrusion.

The stories of Central Africa and Southern Africa have not been any different. Congo is still not in a good state, and the recent events in Mozambique concerning terrorism is a cause for concern. In North Africa, unlike the commitment shown by earlier leaders and later, by Qaddafi towards a continental Union, the current situation is one of inconsistency. Politically, and in respect of security, therefore, Nkrumah’s ideas are more relevant now than ever.

The Africa Continental Free Trade Area was established in recent years to facilitate economic integration through the removal of trade restrictions between and among African states. Much of what it seeks to achieve in the long term had been well communicated by Nkrumah over five decades ago.

Today, April 27, 2022, marks 50 years since Dr Kwame Nkrumah passed on while receiving medical attention in Bucharest, Romania. He had been moved there from Guinea where he lived as a co-President after he was deposed through a coup in 1966.

After five decades, his ideas, thoughts and vision for Africa remains the ideals of majority youth on the continent.

By : Fidel Amakye Owusu

Images: (1) Kwame Nkrumah addressing other African leaders. source: DW (2) Nkrumah flanked by senior members of his party at the dawn of independence on March 7 1957. Source: BBC. (3) President Nkrumah with President John Kennedy. source: (4) President Nkrumah with Nikita Khrushchev, leader of the Soviet Union. source: world politicsreview.com (5) Kwame Nkrumah Mausoleum, Accra Ghana. source:visit ghana